When the public mind was agitated by the failure at Minorca, in the reign of George II. the City of London did not hesitate to go up with their address; and the answer of the King, and his subsequent communication to parliament, expressed his Majesty's satisfaction in the interest his people took in the successful issue of public affairs. The same words that were used in that address, he had used in the address he proposed after the disgraceful capitulation at the Helder; the conclusion of an expedition, by which one half of our army was lost.Then his address was negatived, on the ground, alledged by some, that it was a direct insult to the throne. Upon the shameful Convention of Cintra, he had again used similar words in the address he moved: but, upon that occasion, when hardly a man could be found who did not entertain the same opinion as to that convention, how had the city of London been received at court? They were told, that "the interposition of the city, of London" was not wanted, in a matter in which the honour of the British arms was called into question. He then proceeded to make some observations on the conduct of the General (Sir A. Wellesley) in the Portuguese campaign in which the battle of Vimiera was fought; on the expedition afterwards sent out to Spain under Sir John Moore; and on Sir A. Wellesley's last campaign; all of which he contended had been highly disastrous to the country. After some severe reflections on the victory of Talavera, which was followed by an imme diate retreat, and the title so unaccountably bestowed on the General who commanded on that occasion, he said, hitherto he had spoken chiefly of matters that were, perhaps, less important than the recent one to which he had called the attention of that court. The expedition to Walcheren seemed to claim a sort of pre-eminence in the list of these disgraceful transactions. It was understood to be intended as an effectual diversion on the part of this country in favour, more particularly, of the arms of the Emperor of Austria. This armament was, he believed, the greatest ever sent out from this country. Its object was generally supposed, even on the authority of those who were believed to know something about it, to be certain of attainment. He might venture to say, that it contained nearly 100,000 armed British subjects.

Mr. W. then made an enumeration of the line of battle and other ships of war; the immense number of transports, &c. which were actually engaged in the naval department of this most extraordi nary and gigantic expedition, and declared his belief, that a statement he had received of the hostile force then in a situation to oppose us, was one similar to what had, previously to the expe dition, been put into the hands of the government itself; which did not, in the various forts and towns, exceed 8 or 9000 men. He contrasted the conduck and the opinions, as recorded, of the military and naval branches of the expedition.-He never knew, indeed, that my Lord Chatham had ever before been entrusted, even as a Cabinet Minister, with the command of a great military force. He paid high compliments to the British navy, and to Sir R. Strachan's character for experience and valour, from whose dispatches he read extracts, which he maintained shewed that a different sense was entertained by the navy of the practicability of our efforts, from that which the Commander in Chief appeared to entertain. He felt deeply that such a train of ill successes called upon them to do their duty to their country and to the King. After suffering so much, he yet hoped that they were not reduced altogether and broken down in spirit, and become indifferent and callous to their interests and their fate. It might yet be said, that parliament was the place in which such great questions should originate. Undoubtedly that was the place. It was their province most especially.-He was sorry indeed that he could not look with hope to parliament for such an inquiry; for what had he seen, from the Helder Capitulation up to this time, that could lead him to expect such an inquiry from the votes of the majority in parliament? On all occasions such inquiries were negatived by overwhelming majorities.

As to the result of this expedition¬ Was there a man, who, if he differed upon every preceding point, could yet entertain a doubt of the necessity of inquiry upon the ground of the total and miserable failure of that expedition! After one year's amount of Income Tax had been squandered, at a time when we were bending to the earth beneath the weight of taxes-and how squandered? In the destruction of the flower of our armies! Qne of the books written on

this melancholy subject had stated, that At one time we were burying 250 men a week, and that at one périod, 5,000 out of 15,000 were sick, and either kept upon the island, or thrown, like many blocks of timber: into our ships: and yet were we to endure this tamely were we to gaze on in a stupid apathy, and make no effort to redress our wrongs and remedy our disgrace, by demanding, in the name of the country, an inquiry? If this last disgrace would not rouse us from our torpor, ruin alone could do it; and we were only fit to be slaves, and nothing else. We, who had before us the precedent of our ancestors-who had before us what they did in 1756, when they disdained to sit silent under national insult, and persisted in calling for inquiry, inquiry was granted and punishment followed; and though the fate of the meritorious officer (Admiral Byng), who then suffered, might be justly regretted, yet it was not to be doubted, that it was attended with good conse quences to the service. But, if we are not now to interfere-if we are again to be told, that our interposition is unnecessary, I would like to ask, what is the degree of insult and of suffering at which we may be allowed to solicit for redress? I would like to ask, how much we are to bear before we dare to ùtter a complaint? I would like to ask, whether we should, upon all occasions, wait till the minister of the day touches the spring that is to put us into motion? I would like to ask, whether our sole business is to echo the venal cry of the court, in carrying up congratulatory addresses in the midst of our national disasters, and not to take one step to call for inquiry into the grounds of such disasters? When such scenes have been passing before us -scenes that even in fiction would excite our commisseration-and when the public behold them with a listless indifference, more melancholy than even the misfortunes themselves, are we not to assume our station in the country, and at such an awful crisis make the city of London give the public tone to the rest of the Empire? At such a time can we be too zealous in our efforts to reinstate the national character? They who are so loud in the cause of Spain, 'should not be so cold in the cause of England.

With respect to that part of the amendment that related to the calling of the parliament, it was against his wish that

it was put into the requisition; for, from what that parliament had already done, he confessed he had no great hopes from it. The constitution was in every man's mouth; but he wished to know what they meant by the word, if they did not mean that a power of check and controul was in the commons house of parliament, and a responsibility attached to the servants of the crown; but if that controul was no longer exercised if that respon sibility was done away, it was idle to argue about words. In parliament he wished the work of reform to begin, in parliament he wished it to end. He was willing to yield to others, and wait with them in hope to see what would be the effect of the late public disgraces upon their deliberations.

He wished to add one word with respect to a charge brought against him as to his wish to cry down public men. God forbid he at any time should be anxious to create a general distrust against all public men more than any other; but, when he saw public men turn round-when he saw the same men condemning the income tax, and, on their coming into power, approving of that tax when he saw Lord Grey standing on tables at taverns, calling on the people to be earnest in the cause of reform; nay, even complaining that they were not sufficiently earnest in the cause-stating that in 1797; and when he had seen that noble lord turning round, and complaining of the cant of reform when he had known Mr. Pitt to have been a strenuous advocate for reform, and recollected what he and his followers afterwards proved, he could not think it unreasonable in his entertaining distrust of such professions! He admitted that many of these public men were superior in talent, and perhaps public integrity, to the present ministers; but yet, he thought, they should cease to deceive the nation by holding out delusive promises. For his part, he cared not who were ministers under the same system. If he was to die, he would as lieve die a sudden death as a lingering one. If the work of corruption must be done, it was little matter to the people who did it. He concluded with moving the following Resolutions.

"That an humble and dutiful address and petition be presented to his Majesty, upon the present deplorable situation of public affairs.

"Humbly representing to his Majesty bur grief and indignation at our late unwise, ill-digested, ill-conducted, and ca lamitous expeditions, by which the blood and treasure of the realm has been scandalously wasted, the character of our gallant army exposed, and its numbers reduced by pestilence, famine, and disease, more than by the sword, without accomplishing any national object.

"That while the people have been suffering under the pressure of accumulated evils, his Majesty's confidential advisers, regardless alike of the sufferings of the people and of the honour of their sovereign, and insensible or indifferent to the dangers and impending fate of the country, have been engaged in the most contemptible squabbles, intrigues, and cabals, that ever disgraced the councils of any nation; and as dis reputable to his Majesty's government, as ruinous and dishonourable to the Country.

"That while we forbear to enumerate" a long train of internal grievances, we cannot but attribute such a series of failures and calamities to the corruptions and abuses of the state, and the consequent want of a constitutional parliamentary controul over the public expenditure and the ministers of the crown, whereby the responsibility of ministers appears to exist only in name.

Humbly praying, that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to assure his loyal and affectionate people, that the object to which their wishes are anxiously directed, is neither to be abandoned or eluded; and that his Majesty will be pleased to institute a rigid, impartial, and general inquiry into these great national misfortunes; into the plans and instructions upon which those expeditions were undertaken; and into the conduct and capacity of the commanders to whom they were entrusted. And in order the more effectually to prosecute these inquiries, to beseech his Majesty, without delay,to convene the parliament." The proposed address being read by the Recorder, and seconded,

Sir W. Curtis addressed the court at some length in opposition to the address, but severely reprobated the conduct of the expedition, which he had no doubt would be the subject of parliamentary enquiry, and therefore considering the present motion as at present unnecessary, he concluded with moving the previous

question, which was seconded by Mr. Dixon.

Mr. Griffiths supported the original proposition. He was free to acknow ledge, that, after the experience of the last eighteen years, he had but little confidence in the controuling influence of parliament. When, therefore, the citizens of London had a right to exercise, and there existed an important opportunity for interfering with their solicitation, he was of opinion, that the line of duty was to exert that right promptly, and not to depend upon the honesty or the views of any other body, however strongly it was proved that such an assembly ought to act upon similar motives. Enough had been shewn to convince the country, that the house of Commons was not the most active supporter of the people's rights. Whatever were its faults, he still confided in the practical attention of the corporation of London to the country's wishes. In doing so, it only fulfilled a duty to a willing and patriotic people-a people whose sacrifices to the wants of the state had reduced a great portion of them to absolute want. He made no idle states ment; he had in his hand the order of the commissioners of the land tax in the city of London, which was on the morrow to be forwarded to their various collectors, peremptorily commanding them to levy a distress upon every person deficient in war taxes to the amount of ten pounds! To a people so circumstanced, and liable to be deprived, before that court met again, of the little covering which an inclement season demands, was not something due in the shape of inquiry for the millions that had been wasted, not alone in unprofitable, but disastrous expeditions? Upon such grounds he would give his support to the original motion.

Mr. Kemble opposed the motion. He warmly panegyrised the present reign, declaring, that we had the very best king that ever was, OR THAT EVER WOULD BE!

Ald. Wood was of opinion that no time could be more proper than the present for bringing forward such a motion as that of his worthy friend on the floor. The expedition to the Scheldt was one of the greatest importance that had ever been sent from this country; the greatest responsibility was, of course, attached to it. It had totally failed, and nothing could he more evident than the necessity of an inquiry into the cause of such failure

Ald. Scholey thought, that as parliament was soon to meet, it would be better to wait till it should be seen whether they would immediately call for an inquiry. For his part, he could have no doubt but they would do so, and he would therefore vote for the previous question.

Ald. Goodbehere, in an impressive and eloquent speech supported the address. After some observations on the line of conduct which the court had pursued at various periods of Mr. Pitt's administration, and which he had universally opposed, he said, he was of opinion that the court had now a glorious opportunity of evincing their regard for the constitution, and for the rights and dearest privileges of the people, by stepping forward to express their regret and astonishment at past transactions; and to shew to the whole empire, and the world at large, that they were feelingly alive to the interests, the honour, and dignity of the country.

Ald. Hunter spoke in favour of the previous question, on the ground that it would be better the inquiry should be called for by parliament on its meeting, which would be in so short a time.

Mr. S. Jacks spoke in favour of the previous question.

affair of the Helder, and that of Cintra. Ald. Atkins and Price were for the previous question.

After a short but forcible reply from Mr. Waithman, the question was loudly called for, when the court divided, For the previous question, 67,--Against it, 68, Majority against the previous question, 1.

A second division then took place on the original motion, on which the numbers were, For the original question, 66 Against the original question, 63.

All the aldermen present, and a number of common councilmen, were or dered to prepare the draft of an address accordingly; and having returned with it, the same was read and approved, and ordered to be fairly transcribed, signed by the town-clerk, and presented to his Majesty; and the sheriffs, attended by the remembrancer, were directed to wait upon his Majesty, to know his royal will and pleasure when the court should attend him with the same.

Upon the application of Alderman Atkins, and several others, a fresh meeting of the common council was convened on the following Wednesday, to reconsider the address, and substitute an amended one, in which the tone and manner should be more gracious and courtly-A meeting was accordingly holden, and the former address was withdrawn, and the amended one of Mr. Atkins acceded to by a majority of 17. The opposite party, however, was determined upon another struggle for

Mr. Dixon called the worthy member to order, and defied him to name any person against whom he could prove such a charge.

The member apologised if he was out of order; but persisted in his opinion.

Ald. Coombe supported the address. He had no reliance whatever that the parliament would bring it forward, unless urged by the general sense of the country. There was nothing in their conduct upon former occasions of a like nature, to warrant an expectation that they would now institute inquiry; but on the contrary, that they would stifle and discourage inquiry, as they had done in the

VOL. VI.

the amended address was canvassed in a new assembly of the common council, and finally agreed to by a majority of 18. The second address altho' there is no allusion to Sir A. Wellesley's conduct, contains however, besides the request for inquiry, animadversions on the disputes in the cabinet. To this the proposers of it were obliged to submit, in order to have a chance of success.

COMMON HALL OF LONDON.

On Thursday the 14th. pursuant to a requisition to the Lord Mayor, a common hall of the liverymen of London was convened at Guildhall. The business of the day being opened,

The Lord Mayor came forward, received by the loudest applauses,

3.Q

and stated, that having called the hall, pursuant to a requisition addressed to him, he had now only to request of the livery present, in the course of "e day's discussion, to allow every gentleman who should offer himself to their notice, a fair and patient hearing.

The requisition being then read, Mr. Favell came forward, and after apologizing for obtruding himself on the notice of the livery, said he was only induced to do so in the absence of the gentleman who usually stood foremost to advocate the rights of his fellow citizens in that assembly (he alluded to Mr. Waithman); but if the livery had not on this occasion the advantage of an opening speech from that gentleman, they had at least the strong fact which had been the ground of his exertions in another place (the court of common council.) After making several observations enforcing the necessity of inquiry, he concluded by moving the following resolutions:

Resolved Unanimously, That the enormous waste of treasure, and unprofitable loss of lives, in the late military enterprizes in which his Majesty's forces have been unfortunately employed, have excited ming led feelings of compassion, disappointment, indignation, and alarm, among all classes of his Majesty's subjects!

been highly aggravated by the im becility and distraction in the cabinet, where, it appears his Majesty's confidential servants have been engaged in the most despicable intrigues and cabals, endeavouring.to deceive and supplant each other, to the great neglect of their public duty, and the scandal of the government.

Resolved, That the most effectual way of evincing our loyalty to our Sovereign, regard for the constitution, and promoting the security of the country, is, by a spirit of jea lousy and vigilance over public men, and a free representation of the people in parliament, by which alone we can secure a just and constitutional controul over all public functionaries.

Resolved Unanimously, That we are of opinion, that in the present arduous struggle in which we are engaged, the safety of the British Empire can alone be preserved by wise and honest councils to direct the public force; and that such councils can alone be upheld by the energies of a free and united people.

Resolved Unanimously, That such calamitous events imperiously call for a rigid and impartial inquiry; and that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying his Majesty to institute such inquiry.

Mr. Jones, in a maiden speech, coincided with Mr. Favell's sentiments, and seconded his motion, lamenting that during the present administration, not only was the volunteer spirit dwindled almost to nothing from an effective force of 500,000 men, but our army of the line almost annihilated by disaster, defeat, and disease, in useless expeditions.

Mr. Sheriff Atkins now attempted to speak, but his voice was drowned in hooting and hisses. Mr. Waithman, however, came forward, and succeeded in obtaining for him a short but not very patient attention.

The sheriff solemnly disclaimed attachment to any party. His only