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whose numberlessdifference, venn, they are free

their liberties, in that proportion they are free and happy; and that ignorance and indifference, venality and servility, are the parents of those numberless abuses by which a people are enslaved, and which unreformed, must terminate sooner or later in Revolution! Spain once had her CORTEZ–Sweden had her SENATE; in both the people enjoyed a considerable portion of their rights. Their sovereigns by degrees deprived them of those rights. May the calamitous şituation of these countries, and the fate of their unhappy sovereigns, teach those lessons of wisdom to surrounding nations and their rulers which such awful events are so peculiarly calculated to enforce!

CABINET ARRANGEMENTS.. The correspondence and explanations of Lord CASTLEREAGH and Mr. CANNING, in vindication of their conduct which terminated in the late scandalous violation of the laws of God, and their country, afford little to interest or amuse the public. It appears that Mr. Canning “ so long ago as Easter, represented to the Duke of “ Portland, the insufficiency in his opinion) of the government as “ then constituted, to carry on the affairs of the country, under all “ the difficulties of the times, and requested that unless some change “ was effected in it, be might be permitted to resign his office." It farther appears that Lord Castlereagh was the minister for whose removal Mr. Canning was desirous. What the particular objection was to his lordship, is not even hinted; but we cannot help suspect. ing that it was not on account of any “iosufficiency,” as he was cer.' tainly, as a statesman, on a par with the prime minister, the Duke of Portland, who seven years ago resigued his place as a cabinet minister on account of his age and infirmities, although to serve the purpose of a party he was, five years afterwards, placed at the head of administration : and with respect to the rest of the cabinet, Lords

LIVERPOOL, HARROWBY, CHATHAM, CAMDEN, &c. their ta. ·lents are quite on a level with Lord Castlereagh's. It is therefore . to be suspected that Mr. Canning had some ambitious purpose to serve in the cabinet, and that by the proposed removal of Lord Castlereagh, he intended to strengthen his own particular interests. With respect to any objection to his lordship on account of his trafficking in East India patronage, and seats in parliament, Mr. Canning has taken particular care in his explanation to prevent any suspicion on that head. The right hon. gentleman, indeed, feeling for the honour of his colleague in the borough-bartering affair brought before parliament, consented to the postponement of Lord Castle reagh's dismission, “ from a consideration of the particular circunstances under which bis lordship stood ju the house of Commons,

tos which could have given to his removal at that period a character " which it was certainly no part of Mr. Canning's wish it should * bear!” Respectiug the whole borough-jobbing system, there is no reason to doubt the cordial unanimity of all the cabinet ministers; and that their souls were on this subject perfectly in unison.

As to the reasons assigned on the part of the Duke of Portland and other members of the cabinet, for not acquainting Lord Castlereagh with the determination of Mr. Canning, they probably arose from a wish to keep the administration firm and compact; and hopes were probably entertained that some method might be found out to pacify the discontented counsellor, and induce him to continue in office.

Lord Castlereagh appears to have been so niuch incensed against Mr. Canning for not acquainting bim with lois determination, that without affording an opportunity for explanation, he at once adopts the fashionable cant of a duellist, and “ demands satisfaction." His lordship is perpetually talking of his “honour." Those who are best acquainted with his lordship's political life, his offers of service to different parties, his solicitude always to have two strings " to his bow," the honourable means be used in order to obtain the acquiescence of certain Irish members to the project of the union, (and of which, when boasting in the house of Commons of his honour, purity, &c. he has been not unfrequently reminded);-these with various other occurrences in the political life of the noble lord admirably serve to illustrate the character of his lordship, as a man of honour, disinterestedness, and integrity!

Some of his lordship's state services have been lately detailed by his panegyrist, the editor of the Morning Post. “It fell,” says the biographer, “ to his lot to plan, and undertake the great expedition " to Copenhagen, the execution of which shed so much lustre in his "department, and the admiralty.” The flames of Copenbagen indeed shed extraordinary « lustre" on the character of the noble lord, on those by whom they were kindled, and on the senates who voted them their approbation and thanks. His lordship’s plans for the recovery of Spain and Portugal, and his grand expedition to the Island of Walcheren, will long be remembered by his country. The writer we have quoted, sagely observes, “ No one would question the "policy of these measures if the whole of their objects could have " been obtained !” He concludes his brief memoir by observing that “Lord Castlereagb's public life has been distinguished by a per"petual series of important measures; and he now retires with the "consciousness of having done essential and permanent good to his "country ;-he retires with the consciousness of pure disinterested"ness, of uncompromised veracity, and of unsullied honour !” Yes, all

VOL. 11.


the noble lord's offers of service to different parties in the state, his early professions as a friend to parliamentary reform, his total apostacy from those professions, his eagerly grasping at offices and sinecures for himself and bis relatives, bis whole public life demous strate that the language of his lordship’s pavegyrist is the severest satire that could possibly have escaped his pen!

As to his lordship's offended colleague Mr. Capning, some of our ,- public writers affect to regret the loss of his talents in the cabinet:

but of what service have his talents been to the British nation? Introduced to the public by Mr. Pitt, he uniformly, and servilely trod in his steps, during his life, and has ever since closely copied his system. To the intolerable arrogance which marked all his official communications with France and Russia, may in part at least be attributed the continuance of the war ; and we deem it a happy circumstance that the upstart state secretary, who wben respectfully invited to negociate, termed the French Emperor, the “ atrocious usurper of France,” is dismissed from the councils of bis sovereign, we hope never to return.

Three of the members of the cabinet having resigned, the remainder thought it requisite for the preservation of their offices. and emoluments to have recourse to the heads of the late administration, Lords Grenville and Grey, hoping with their assistance to form" a combined and extended administration;" that is an administration which should include all the present members of the cabinet. Both the noble lords, although they were at such a con.. siderable distance as to prevent any communication with each other, appear to have entertained similar sentiments on the business. Lord Grey indeed did not deem a conference with Mr. Perceval worth the trouble of a journey to London; and Lord Grenville when he found on his arrival, that instead of having a conference with his Majesty, he was only to confer with the . minister, declined the proposed offer. The conduct of the noble lords on this occasion is certainly as honourable as it is politic. Any alliance or coalition with the members of the present cabinet, whilst retaining their principles and their places, would have ruined: their lordships' character with the public, beyond redemption.

Lord Grenville remarks in his letter 10 Mr. Perceval, that “ale. " though his objections are not personal, they apply to the PRIN* CIPLE of the government itself, and to the circumstances which « attended its appointment.Happy indeed will it be. for: the public, if the leaders of opposition are at length convinced, that a change not only of MĖN but of PRINCIPLES' is absolutely necessary; and that no confidence is to be placed in men who under the hypocritical pretence of zeal for religion, refused to fulfil the promises solemnly made on the behalf of government to our oppressed

brethren in Ireland, -promises by which they were induced to consent to the union of the two kingdoms.

Mr. Perceval having failed in his attempts to negociate with Lords Grenville and Grey, appears for these six weeks past to have been courting assistance from other quarters : but be bas taken care in the first instance to procure for himself the office of prime minister, and has thus we presume reached the height of bis ambition. He now possesses no less than six places and sinecures amounting altogether to upwards of twenty thousand per annum, and has farther secured to himself a reversion of another sinecure at the death of his brother Lord Arden, nearly equal in value to the whole of the places and sinecures of which he is already in possession. Need we wonder at his solicitude that the system should be preserved ; that a stand should be made against all innovations, and that instead of a new administration, “a combined " and extended one,” including himself and his colleagues should be his favourite object. The minister deserves full credit for tbe declaration made in his own name and in that of his colleagues, " that in forming such an administration no idea existed in their "minds of the necessity of any dereliction of their public principles."

There seems to be some difficulty in filling up the places vacant by the late resignations. It is generally believed that the services of Marquis Wellesley have been solicited ; but that our ambassador to the " universal and united Spanish nation," hesitates as to the course the most politic for him to adopt in the present deranged state of affairs, and when Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, both of whom are his professed friends, are ousted from their places. We cannot, however, but deprecate the idea that a statesman of this description should have a seat at the council board. Formed in the school of Pitt, he distinguished himself during that detested administration by his long and delusive speeches in the house of Commons, and more especially by those respecting the French finances, in which he so convincingly proved to the house the bankruptcy of the French government, and presented the most flattering prospect of its total overthrow, and the completedelivera "ance of the continent !" We cannot help adding, that if there is a man in the kingdom, the mention of whose name ought to excite in the breast of every Englishmen peculiar sensations of horror it is that of Marquis Wellesley. We trust our readers have not forgotten the energetic speechies delivered in the British senate, describing the enormities practised in the East Indies, during the administration of the noble marquis,* por the system of government, (if despotism deserve the name of government) under which


* Pol. Rev. Vol. III. p. lxxxvi.

the freedom of the press was, in that large portion of the British dominions as completely annibilated as in the dominions of the Grand Seignior. Mayithe marquis long remain where our ministers · bave sent him : let him continue to assist bigoted and slavish Spanish juntas in restoring the Bourbon family, and in effecting the deliverance “ of his holiness the pope of Rome from his present o state of bondage !" There the tyrant of Hindostan can do but little mischief: but may,his principles and his counsels never infect the British cabinet is our fervent prayer.

But it is comparatively speaking of little consequence whether Mr. Canning, Mr. Perceval, Lord Greyville, or Lord Sidmoutti be at the head of adıninistration, unless the system which has too generally been adopted by each, is materially changed. There are two or three first principles which must form the foundation of the system absolutely essential for the salvation of the country. We appeal on this occasion to the sentiments and feelings of honest men of all parties. With their hand on their heart let them, after the very dear bought experience acquired by the people of this country during the past twenty years, put these questions-Is it possible for the nation much longer to proceed in the course which has brought it to its present condition ? Have we not during this period been almost perpetually at war for objects the attainment of which is impossible? In the pursuit, equally obstinate and fruitless, of these objects, has not our national debt doubled; are not our taxes increased fourfold; have not the resources of Britain been wasted, and the blood of Britops most profusely shed, in expeditions unsuccessful and disgraceful ? What is the present object of the war?

Is there the least probability of our ever attaining that object? Is. - it not equally the duty and the interest of our rulers, without a

moinent's delay, to open a negociation with France ? Is there even - the most distant prospect of a more favourable opportunity for

setting about this important work? Does a rational hope remain of our being able to alter the affairs of Europe, or to rescue any of the nations of the continent from the condition to which they are reduced by the folly of their rulers, rendered still more foolish from being cherished by our ministers? The plain and honest answer to such questions must force the conviction, that a minis try deserving the confidence of the people, must set about the necessary work of peace, in the spirit of peace; that is, in a different spirit to that which has been too prevalent under all administrationsa. Our statesmen must no longer insult the French Emperor by terming him “ an atrocious usurper:" there must be no insolent dictation, as “ to the place of negociation," or declaration “ that 6 bis Majesty will never consent to negociate at Paris." That

hraughty spirit” displayed by the statesman who used the abore lan

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