properly rejected the invitation. Mr. Perceval, and his colleagues clinging to their places, have therefore been exploring other means of support: the former has extended his influence by courageously accepting the additional place of prime minister, in consequence of which he has now the duty of four or five important offices in the state to discharge, or to manage in his own person: the Marquis Wellesley, the ci devant friend of the ex-minister, Mr. Canning, is no doubt thought by Mr. Perceval a powerful coadjutator, and with his assistance (for that of Lord Palmerstone and the hon. Mr. Ryder, is scarcely worthy of mention) he hopes to be enabled to retain all his places, as well as all his sinecures, and all his reversions! Will therefore the majority of our senators support the present administration? This is the grand question to be solved by the division on the address to his Majesty on his most gracious speech to both houses of parliament. Although we are of opinion, that ministers will have a majority on this, as well as on most, if not on all other topics, we suspect that majority will not be so large as formerly; and should the measures of Mr. Perceval, who is under. stood to be the favourite court minister, continue to be marked with calamity, and disgrace, he may ere long find himself in a similar situation to that of a former favourite, Lord North, who' towards the close of the American war, in consequence of general discontent spreading over the country, and the defection of many of those gentlemen who had long supported him, found his majorities reduced to minorities, and was at length compelled to resign;. an event, however, that would not probably, at that period have taken place, had it not been for the voice of the people, expressed at public meetings in the principal corporations, towns, and counties throughout the kingdom.. The strength or weakness of an administration, has very great effect in deciding the conduct of gentlemen. In the latter case, when a cabinet exhibits strong symptoms of falling, there are, numbers of our senators, who although they may have long been its firm supporters, are, in the hour of danger, like rats in a sinking vessel, the first to desert it. Such is the machinery and scenery of our state theatre, and such the conduct of the managers, and principal actors; nor is it probable the state of affairs will be materially altered, till the people express their opinions freely and generally of the necessity of the restoration of those rights, by means of which they may enjoy a more equal, aud a more frequent representation. Enemies as we are to riots and tumultuous proceedings on all occasions, we still cannot help regretting that a portion of that British spirit which has been displayed in so remarkable a manner by the populace at Covent Garden theatre, is not transfused VOL. VI. into the great body of the people, who are deeply concerned in the transactions, infinitely more important, of our national theatre : but surely it is not to the honour of our countrymen that they have so long and so loudly demanded the reduction of sixpence in the price of admission to the pit of Covent Garden, whilst they are passively and silently bending under an oppressive weight of taxes, squandered in the pursuit of objects, equally foolish, unjust and unattainable. ELECTION FOR CHANCELLOR OF OXFORD. This event in itself simply considered, scarcely deserving a record in a newspaper, is, by the circumstances attending it of some consequence; and tends to confirm our observations respecting the calculations of politicians both in church and state. The candidates on this occasion were Lord GRENVILLE, Lord ELDON, and the Duke of BEAUFORT. After a most severe contest, during which voters were brought from Scotland and Ireland, the election has fallen on Lord Grenville.* The event of the election is, not improperly, considered by ministerial writers, as a political defeat, and by opposition writers as a political triumph. Some of the views, however, which the Editor of the Morning Chronicle on the one hand, and the Editor of the Morning Post on the other, have taken of this event are truly amusing. The former exults in-" This triumph of principle. "over canting; of the simple purity of genuine religion over the "hypocritical affectation of superior sanctity; of elevation and generosity of sentiment over narrowness of soul; and the "triumph," adds the writer, " illustrates the true character of the "university!" The Morning Post Editor concludes a string of severe censures on the conduct of the University, as follows.—“ To "those reverend prelates who supported Lord Grenville it must no doubt, be most satisfactory to reflect, that by their exertions 6,6 upon this occasion they have contributed to the adoption of "whatever enlightened alterations may hereafter take place in "Oxford; that they have conspired with laudable zeal to throw open the gates of the University to persons of every religious per"suasion whatever, and that no blame can attach upon them if the highest academical offices, and most closely connected with our "church establishment, should hereafter be consigned to the care "of a socinian, an unitarinn, or a catholic !" Notwithstanding the exultation expressed by one of these writers on this triumph of "principle, and pure genuine religion," and of The numbers were for Lord Grenville, 406, Lord Eldon, 393, and the Duke of Beaufort, 238. the fear and trembling of the other, the effects of that fit of orthodoxy into which he has been thrown on this occasion, we beg leave in order to moderate the joy of the one, and calm the agitations of the other, to assure them, that in an election of this kind, moral principle, and pure religion are entirely out of the question. The contest was merely a political one, and opposition have triumphed over ministers. We therefore consider the event, as declaratory of the opinion of the university of Oxford, that Lord Eldon is likely to be turned out of place, and that Lord Grenville is likely to be restored to his former place, the head of administration. The right reverend, and reverend heads of the university, together with all the inferior reverends in their various gradations, have therefore prudently considered the main chance, and have very naturally fixed their choice on the noble lord whom they judge will most probably have, by the influence resulting from his official station and connections, the largest disposal of ecclesiastical preferments. So far from considering the recent election as the "triumph of "moral and religious principle," we the rather consider it, in its connection with some late occurrences, as affording a 'sad illus. tration of the want of both. That ecclesiastical and academical body who in the year 1807, addressed his Majesty in the most flattering terms, for his firm resistance to a prominent measure of the GRENVILLE administration; who declared that the abolition of the penal laws proposed by his lordship would endanger the constitution, in church and state, who expressed their highest satisfaction at his lordship's dismissal from office, these very men have in the year 1809, at the moment his lordship has been pitched upon by the catholics of Ireland as the most proper person to present their renewed petition to the house of peers, and although his lordship, to his honour be it recorded, has not courted the favour of the Oxonians by the direliction of his principles,--these very men have conferred on a nobleman whose measures they so lately pro fessed to hold in detestation, the highest honour in their power to bestow. The election therefore of Lord Grenville is we acknowledge, just cause of triumph to the disinterested friends of truth and liberty it displays to the whole nation, it displays to his Majesty more particularly, the base hypocrisy of those adulators, who raised the cry of "no popery," in order to depress the nobleman, whom they now delight to honour, and who, as soon as he is in place, will become the object of their idolatry! The Oxford university in these transactions are following the steps, and filling up the measure of their fathers! In the reign of JAMES II. that learned body offered up the most flattering addresses to that bigotted, popish tyrant, openly espoused the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, and expelled the illustrious LOCKE! As soon as our deliverer WILLIAM III. was firmly seated on the throne, the same body presented his Majesty addresses in terms equally flattering, and extolled the principles of the Revolution. The principles of political and religious liberty, or slavery, or the cry of popery, or of "no popery," appear equally to șerve the purposes of this famous. ecclesiastical corporation. The editor of the Morning Post is dreadfully alarmed lest the university of Oxford should, at some future period, have at its head a Socinian, or an Unitarian." We hope it will not prove too much for the nerves of this orthodox, hireling writer, to be informed, that a Socinian,--an Unitarian has been the chancellor of the sister university for upwards of forty years past; but his Grace the DUKE OF GRAFTON, when elected was a cabinet minister; his religious principles, were therefore in the opinion of the uni versity, a matter of trifling consequence. What have been the terrible consequences of this venerable, but heretical nobleman har ving so long held the office of chancellor we have yet to learn.-In short, both universities appear uniformly to act on the same pious principle offering incense to the 'minister of the day. Mr. PITT, on his first setting out in life, started for the representation of Cambridge university; he was rejected. Shortly after he was nominated prime minister; he was in consequence speedily elected one of the university members, and continued such to the day of his death. On his decease, Lord HENRY PETTY offered himself a candidate, and although his lordship had been the uniform opposer of Mr. Pitt, yet, having just been nominated chancellor of the exchequer, was elected in his stead. The following year he was no longer in place, and he lost the university representation. Such is the consis tent conduct of those reverend and learned corporations that have not unfrequently been described as "the EYES of the nation." If this description be just, is there not reasou to fear the language of our Saviour may be too applicable to Britain!-The light of the body is the EYE; if therefore thine EYE be single, thy whole body shall be full of light, but if thine EYE be evil thy whole body shall be full of darkness. If therefore the light that is in thee be dark. ness, how great is that darkness! I was our intention to have noticed certain recent proceedings in the court of King's bench, in which Mr. Wardle has been more particularly con cerned; but our limits prevent us from entering on the subject. We cannot however, refrain from expressing our firm opinion, that nothing has occurred that ought to shake the confidence which the public have placed in that distinguished character. We with pleasure observe a subscription is opened to exonerate him from all expences and losses in consequence of the late trials we trust it will be liberally encouraged by those members of parlia ment who have hitherto supported Mr. Wardle, and by the public in general. Harlow, Dec. 29. B. F. THE MONTHLY REGISTER. FOR JULY, 1809. PARLIAMENTARY REGISTER. These being read, Mr. Parnell said, that other Irish counties had expressed their opinions to the same effect by their resolutions. In consequence of these opinions he would submit a motion on this subject. He said, that not only the general population, but even the majority of the Irish clergy, desired an alteration in the system of tythes. The clergy were, in fact, equally aggrieved with the common people. The generality of the clergy in Ireland were not the oppressors, although some instances of oppression from the clergy of the established church might be produced. Generally speaking, the clergy did not levy nearly the tenth to which they were entitled. On the average they only raised from one half to one third of their dues. These petitions were not from the body of the Irish catholics. On the contrary they had desisted systematically from having any thing to do with meetings on this subject. In the course of last session he had given notice of a motion on these petitions. But wishing that the subject should be taken up by his Majesty's ministers, he had chosen to leave it to them: but understanding that they intended to do nothing this year, he would now move for leave to bring in a bill to enable incumbents to grant leases of twenty-one years to their parishioners. He also reminded the house that expectations of an alteration in the present tythe-system had been held out to the people of Ireland at the union! If he thought there was any chance of the house agreeing with him, he would immediately propose an entire commutation of tythes for à corn rent. He accordingly concluded VOL. VI. by moving for leave to bring in a bill to that effect. Mr. Perceval, in rising to give his opposition to this measure, felt himself called on to state what had been his view of the subject during the last session. As he saw no benefit likely to result from the measure, he thought it had better not be entertained. He had looked into the subject most earnestly, and the result of the impression on his mind was, that nothing could usefully be done. So he gave it his decided negative. Mr. Tighe conceived the proposition of his hon. friend inadequate, but still he should support it. Mr. Grattan drew a picture of the tythe-proctor coming to the hovel of the poor peasant with his exorbitant demand in one hand and a menaced law-suit in the other. The tythe-proctor was the greatest little oppressor in the world. If arbitrary power was given to human nature it would be abused; so it was with the tythe-proctor! He was a character, who having no connection with religion, yet in Ireland seemed identified with it. The church should not be made poorer but she should not be allowed to grow too rich. If the odium would rather increase, it would be impolitic, even while presbyterians and catholics continued poor, and yet contributed to the support of two establishments, that the protestant establishment, which neither administered consolation nor protection to them, should receive an exorbitant income. He was satisfied it would prove one of the greatest blessings to Ireland. Mr. M. Fitzgerald called on the house to consider the situation of the poor labouring class in Ireland. In point of policy and of justice, it was incumbent on the house to inquire into their situation, which nearly amounted to desperation, and every change to them was a blessing. Mr. Croker opposed the bill, Mr. C. Hutchinson defended the propriety of the measure. |