more developed and more wide-spread than in the Helvetian republic. Some little cantons, which were backward in this respect, were forced to put themselves on a level with the rest. It is evident that where a people must govern themselves, they can not remain without instruction. However, a person is not obliged to send his children to a public school; he is perfectly free to have them instructed wherever he wishes, provided they receive an education at least as good as that which is given in the public schools. The new federal constitution, voted by the people April 19, 1874, contains the following provisions relative to primary instruction: The cantons shall provide for primary instruction, which must be sufficient, and placed exclusively under the direction of the civil authority. It is obligatory, and, in the public schools, gratuitous. The public schools may be attended by adherents of all creeds, without their having to suffer in any way in their liberty of conscience or of belief. The confederation shall take the necessary measures in regard to the cantons which do not fulfill these obligations. - Above the elementary primary schools, there are superior primary schools, called secondary. Then come the schools of commerce, the agricultural and industrial schools, the normal schools in which teachers are prepared, the gymnasiums (lyceums), the federal polytechnic school, the cantonal universities of Basel, Zürich and Berne, and the academies of Geneva and Lausanne. The polytechnic school is established at Zürich. It is subdivided into six special schools: school of civil building, school of civil engineering, school of mechanics, school of chemistry, school of forestry, and finally, a higher school of the natural and mathematical sciences, of the literary sciences, and of moral and political sciences. The studies are taught in the German, French and Italian languages. The importance which is attributed in Switzerland to good public instruction may be judged of by some figures we shall give. In the canton of Zürich the state and the communes have expended annually since 1873, for public instruction, a sum of 1,400,000 francs, not including the extra expenditures for the federal polytechnic school. Not included in this sum are the lodging, two cords of firewood and 20,000 square feet of arable land furnished by the communes to each primary and higher elementary teacher; nor is the hiring of places for schools. Berne expends annually 2,100,000 francs for the same purpose. Of this sum the communes pay three-fifths, and the state furnishes the rest; St. Gallen expends 600,000 francs; Aargau, 750,000; Vaud, 700,000 (not including the expenses for rent, heating, etc.); Neufchâtel and Geneva each, 400,000. For all Switzerland the total is more than nine million francs. STOESSEL. stead of, as before, on the limits of each canton. A considerable income is also derived from the postal system, as well as from the telegraph establishment, conducted by the federal government on the principle of uniformity of rates. The sums raised under these heads are not left entirely for government expenditure, but a great part of the postal revenue, as well as a portion of the customs dues, have to be paid over to the cantonal administrations, in compensation for the loss of such sources of former income. In extraordinary cases, the federal government is empowered to levy a rate upon the various cantons after a scale settled for twenty years. A branch of revenue proportionately important is derived from the profits of various federal manufactories, and from the military school and laboratory at Thun, near Berne. The following table gives the total revenue and expenditure of the confederation in each of the years 1875-82, showing actual receipts and disbursements, except for 1882, for which the budget estimates are given: 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 The following table gives the budget estimates of revenue for the year 1883: Produce of property of state.. Francs. 169,279 733,000 31,000 3,463,632 7,616,000 18,250,000 15,442,000 2,594,700 24,750 41,500 16,139 .48,382,000 ment of 1882, to 36,947,044 francs. This arises mainly out of the conversion of three 4 per cent. loans raised in 1867, 1871 and 1877. As a set-off against the debt there exists a so-called "federal fortune," or property belonging to the state, valThe various cantons ued at 45,356,066 francs.of Switzerland have, as their own local administrations, so their own budgets of revenue and expenditure. Most of them have also public debts, but not of a large amount, and abundantly covered, in every instance, by cantonal property, chiefly in land. At the end of 1882 the aggregate debts of all the cantons amounted to about 300,000,000 francs. - The chief income of the cantonal administrations is derived from a single direct tax on income, amounting, in most cantons, to 1 per cent. on every 1,000 francs property. In some cantons the local revenue is raised, in part, by the sale of excise licenses. In Berne they form one-fifth of the total receipts, in Lucerne one-seventh, in Uri one-tenth, in Unterwald oneeighth, in Solothurn one-sixth, and in the canton of Tessin one-fourteenth, of the total revenue. – VIII. Army. The fundamental laws of the republic forbid the maintenance of a standing army within the limits of the confederation. The eighteenth article of the constitution of 1874 enacts that "Every Swiss is liable to serve in the defense of his country." Article nineteen enacts: "The federal army consists of all men liable to military service, and both the army and the war material are at the disposal of the confederation. In cases of emergency the confederation has also the exclusive and undivided right of disposing of the men who do not belong to the federal army, and of all the other military forces of the cantons. The cantons dispose of the defensive force of their respective territories in so far as their power to do so is not limited by the constitutional or legal regulations of the confederation." According to article twenty, "The confederation enacts all laws relative to the army, and watches over their due execution; it also provides for the education of the troops, and bears the cost of all military expenditure which is not provided for by the legislatures of the cantons.' To provide for the defense of the country, every citizen has to bear arms, in the management of which the children are instructed at school, from the age of eight, passing through annual exercises and reviews. Such military instruction is voluntary on the part of the children, but it is participated in by the greater number of pupils at the upper and middleclass schools. The troops of the republic are divided into two classes, viz.: 1. The bundes-auszug, or federal army, consisting of all men able to bear arms, from the age of twenty to thirty-two. All cantons are obliged, by the terms of the constitution, to furnish at least 3 per cent. of their population to the bundes-auszug. 2. The landwehr, or militia, comprising all men from the thirtythird to the completed forty-fourth year. The strength and organization of the armed forces of Switzerland was as follows, in 1882: 173 Every citizen of the republic not disabled by bodily defects or ill health, is liable to military service at the age of twenty. Before being placed on the rolls of the bundes-auszug, he has to undergo a training of from twenty-eight to thirty-five days, according to his entering the ranks of either the infantry, the scharfschützen, or picked riflemen, the cavalry, or the artillery. Both the men of the bundes-auszug and the reserve are called together in their respective cantons for annual exercises, extending over a week for the infantry, and over two weeks for the cavalry and artillery, while periodically, once or twice a year, the troops of a number of cantons assemble for a general muster. The military instruction of the federal army is given to officers not permanently appointed or paid, but who must have undergone a course of education, and passed an examination at one of the training establishments crccted for the purpose. The centre of these is the military academy at Thun, near Berne, maintained by the federal government, and which supplies the army both with the highest class of officers, and with teachers to instruct the lower grades. Besides this academy, or centralmilitärschule, there are special training schools for the various branches of the service, especially the artillery and the scharfschützen. The nomination of the officers, up to the rank of captain, is made by the cantonal governments, and above that rank by the federal council. At the head of the whole military organization is a general commander-in-chief, appointed, together with the chief of the staff of the army, by the federal assembly. The total expenditure on account of the army was, for 1881, 15,635,879 francs, and that of 1883, 16,598,934 francs; in the budget for 1882, 16,514,949 francs. Not included in the army expenditure is the maintenance of the military school at Thun, which has a fund of its own, the annual income from which is larger than the expenditure. - IX. Trade and Industry. The federal custom-house returns classify all imports and exports under three chief headings, namely, "live stock,' ""advalorem goods," and "goods taxed per quintal." No returns are published of the value of either the imports or exports, but only the quantities are given; and these, too, are not made regularly known by the customs authorities. The imports consist chiefly of food, and the exports of cotton and silk manufactures, watches, straw hats and machinery. In the year 1881 there were imported 5,722,409 quintals of provisions of various kinds (including grain, flour and beverages), and 254,997 head of cattle. The principal exports of 1881 consisted of silk fabrics, cotton fabrics, watches and machinery. There were also some exports of cheese and other food substances. But the excess of food imports over exports amounted annually, in recent years, on an average to 8,000,000 cwt., purchased at a cost of 240,000,000 francs. - Being an inland country, Switzerland has only direct commercial intercourse with the four surrounding states-Austria, Italy, France and Germany. The trade with Austria is very inconsiderable, not amounting, imports and exports combined, to more than 25,000 francs per annum, on the average. From Italy the annual imports average 30,000 francs in value, while the exports to it amount to 1,500,000 francs. The imports from France average 500,000 francs, and the exports to it 5,500,000 francs. In the intercourse with Germany, imports and exports are nearly equal, averaging each 500,000 francs. Switzerland is in the main an agricultural country, though with a strong tendency to manufacturing industry, According to the census of 1870, there are 1,095,447 individuals supported by agriculture, either wholly or in part. The manufactories employed, at the same date, 216,468 persons, the handicrafts 241,425. In the canton of Basel the manufacture of silk ribbons occupies 6,000 persons; and in the canton of Zurich silk stuffs are made by 12,000 operatives. The manufacture of watches and jewelry in the cantons of Neufchâtel, Geneva, Vaud, Berne and Solothurn, occupies 36,000 workmen, who produce annually 500,000 watches-three-sevenths of the quantity of gold, and four-sevenths of silver-valued at 45,000,000 francs. In the cantons of St. Gallen and Appenzell, 6,000 workers make 10,000,000 francs of embroidery annually. The printing and dyeing factories of Glarus turn out goods to the value of 150,000 francs per annum. The manufacture of cotton goods occupies up wards of 1,000,000 spindles, 4,000 looms and 20,000 operatives, besides 38,000 hand-loom weavers. From official returns, it appears that the railways open for public traffic in Switzerland at the end of 1882, had a total length of 2,571 kilo metres, or 1,594 English miles, besides 50 miles of funicular and mountain railways, and the St. Gothard system, which does not yet figure in the mileage returns. These are distributed among thirteen companies, the largest of which are, the Amalgamated Swiss railway, the Swiss North Eastern, the Swiss Central, the Canton of Berne State railway, the Swiss Western, the Fribourg railway, and the Franco-Swiss railway. - The postoffice in Switzerland forwarded 80,781,538 letters in the year 1881, of which number 56,221,228 were internal, and 24,530,310 international. The receipts of the postoffice in the year 1881 amounted to 15,998,837 francs, and the expenditure to 13,964,554 francs. - Switzerland has a very complete system of telegraphs, which, excepting wires for railway service, is wholly under the control of the state. At the end of December, 1881, there were 6,626 kilometres, or 4,140 miles, of lines, and 16,174 kilometres, or 10,110 miles, of wire belonging to the state. The number of telegraph messages sent in the year 1881 was 3,129,989; comprising 1,837,385 inland messages, 879,727 international messages, and 329,798 messages in transit. There were 1,210 telegraph offices, of which 1,034 belonged to the state. The receipts amounted to 2,453,972 francs, and the expenditure to 1,963,666 francs, in the year 1880. - BIBLIOGRAPHY. Meyer, Geschichte des schweizerischen Bundesrechts, 1875 and 1878; Eidgenössische Bundesverfassung, Bundesgesetze und Bundesbeschlüsse, 1876; Staatskalender der Schweizerischen Eigenossenschaft, 1880; Dubs, Das öffentliche Recht der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, 1877; Zorn, Staat und Kirche in der S., 1877. TABLE. (See PARLIAMENTARY LAW.) TAMMANY HALL (IN U. S. HISTORY). A term applied in American politics, first, to the Columbian order, a secret society organized for social and political purposes in New York city in 1789, and which, upon incorporation in 1805, added the name of Tammany society; second, to the place of meeting owned or leased by this society, in which the "regular" democratic organization of the "city and county of New York" assembled up to 1879; and, third, to the political organization itself, meeting in Tammany Hall, whether "regular" or not. The entire subject will be clearer, if it is remembered that many things true of one of these three objects is not true of the other two, and that the same term T has been indiscriminately applied to all three, for eighty years. It was first freely used of the secret society, next of the regular political organization assembling in its hall, and in the third and last stage of its history has come to be applied to the democratic faction assembling in Tammany Hall, sometimes regular, sometimes dissident, but never since 1852, commanding the unquestioned allegiance of all the voters of its party in the city. Before that period rival democratic factions existed; since then there have been rival "Halls." The first of these periods covers the years 18001834, in which the extension of the right of suffrage and the grant of local self-government formed the chief political issues of the state; the second extends from 1834 to 1853-9, when federal patronage and the democracy of the interior of | the state retained the voters of the party in New York city in a tolerably continuous organization in spite of the changes worked in this vote, by foreign immigration and the appearance of the problems of the modern city-its ignorance, its supine wealth, and its costly public works. During the third and last period, while the political organization meeting in Tammany Hall has reached its final development as a well-disciplined body of predatory politicians, the democratic vote of the city, 1879-83, has become divided into two nearly equal divisions. One of these votes with the "county" organization, independent of Tammany Hall, and recognized by the party in the state as "regular." The other body of voters follows the "Tammany" organization, which is not so recognized, but which has a regular local succession to "Tammany,” and, during the second and a large part of the third of these periods, was the representative of a majority of the democratic voters of the city. As it was only during the first twenty or thirty years of its existence that the Tammany society, or the organization sharing its name, represented a genuine political movement, the history of Tammany for the last fifty or sixty years has been the record of an organization sharing the principles of a wider national party, but bent, first and foremost, on controlling the government of the city in which its lot was cast. Tammany has chiefly attracted attention in this phase as a highly successful effort to govern a great city by organizing its venal vote; a vote extending from the day laborer anxious for steady employment on the public roads, to the distinguished lawyer solicitous to secure a judgeship at $15,000 a year, with its lucrative refereeships and wide influence. -The connection is of the slightest between Tamanend, the obscure Indian chief who put his mark to one of Penn's treaties, dealing with the lands of the Delaware Indians, and "St. Tammany," whose festival, on the 12th of May, came, in the closing days of the revolution, to replace St. George's day, three weeks earlier, much as Christmas replaced the Saturnalia. The significant fact is, that after William Mooney had organized the Columbian order, with its thirteen tribes, its twelve sachems, or directors, its sagamore, or master of ceremonies, and its wiskinski, or door-keeper, the secondary name of Tammany society was adopted, because it defined more clearly the popular and local character of the organization in its political action. The child-like interest of the revolutionary period in parades, trappings, | terms and mysteries, was apparent in all the organization of the society. For it the year was divided into the seasons of flowers, of fruits, of hunting and of snow; the pipe of peace was smoked at its meetings; its members wore the Indian garb in the great processions of the day, and in 1790 entertained a Creek embassy for days together in costume, and the bucktail which Tammany societies wore throughout Pennsylvania, came, twenty years later, to be, in New York state, the name of one of the earliest of the democratic factions whose intricate relations vex the political student. Tradition has preserved what the preference and fancy of an earlier day selected. The annual celebration of Independence Day in Tammany Hall is still made up of "long talks" and 'short talks;" New York newspapers still contain the quaint notices of the annual meetings of the society in the "season of flowers," and its other " council fires," in the great wigwam," which first appeared while Washington was president; but in the changes of time its great sachem has become a boss, and the chief duties of its wiskinskie, who once gathered the Spanish dollars of the faithful at the door of Martling's long room, have come to be the prompt and persistent collection of political assessments from Tammany office-holders. These things are the outer shell of the facts surrounding its early organization and its later development. They unite it, on the one hand, with the familiar channel of political action at the foundation of the republic, and recall its existence now, as the solitary link between the politics of New York city, with 5,189 votes, and the metropolis, with 336,137 males of the voting age. Organized by William Mooney, an IrishAmerican liberty boy and a violent whig, in the second week of Washington's first administration, the Columbian order represented, in federal politics, state rights; in state affairs, the demand for a wider suffrage; and in local affairs, the claim of the foreign-born citizen for a conspicuous part in politics. All this was not at first apparent. Of the first twelve sachems, ten were federalists. In the hot discussion which succeeded the outbreak of the French revolution, the Columbian order opposed a war with Great Britain. For several years the society was more conspicuous for its riotous celebration of May 12 than for its direct action in politics; but, in the eleven years which preceded its first recorded appearance as a political power, the democratic membership of the body put it in sympathy with the political organization which Aaron Burr was slowly maturing. The Poughkeepsie constitution had imposed a heavy property qualification, a freehold of $50 to $250, or a rental of 40 shillings annually, and the restoration of order had curbed the influence of the Sons of Liberty"; a mob on the right side, but still a mob. A local moneyed aristocracy, supported by place and birth, resumed the control it enjoyed in colonial days. Its opponents, in 1788, polled one vote in seven in New York city, on a legislative ticket carrying Aaron Burr's name. For ten years the tide continued to run against the popular party, until, in 1800, the Columbian order began at the polls the careful, systematic organization of the voters of the city, to which the success of Tammany has ever since been due. The vote of the city had increased one-half in a decade-in 1801 the qualified voters numbered 7,988-but the city was canvassed, poor citizens were deeded freeholds, "faggot" voters were created by uniting a number of men in the ownership of a single piece of property, the society kept open house during the election, voters were carried to and from the polls, and the entire machinery, long since become familiar, was set in motion to bring out the vote. The result was overwhelming success, and Aaron Burr, the next winter, was nominated as vice-president in the congressional caucus at Washington, on the strength of the victory. The control of the largest city in the Union carried Tammany, at a bound, to a position of influence in national politics which it has never lost. In despair, Alexander Hamilton wrote to Senator Bayard proposing the organization of a similar secret society in the federal party. The annual convention in state, and a permanent organization in local politics, was still a quarter of a century distant in American affairs. A property qualification was required of voters; municipal officers were appointed by the governor and a council; a council of revision, made up of appointed officers, passed upon all legislation before it became law; while the representation accorded New York city, and its proportion of voters, left it less powerful in state affairs than at any time until the rapid growth of an urban population in the state at large, stripped it of its preponderating influence seventy-five years later. A permanent secret society was, under these circumstances, invaluable in securing continuous and coherent political action. The constitutional accident, which made the voting power of Tammany relatively greater in electing a president than in choosing a governor, early attracted to it federal patronage; first used with effect in New York state politics, under Madison. New York city was still small enough for the management of its politics by general meetings. The election of assemblymen and congressmen on a general ticket, contributed to concentrate political power. The germ of a general, popular and permanent organization began to show itself in the "general committees," for whose appointment general meetings provided, but such an organization was still far distant. The hard drinking of the day and the social contact of a small city each contributed its share to make acquaintance and frequent reunions a strong and powerful factor in political action. During the last sixty years the meetings of Tammany Hall, however turbulent and disorderly, have never been anything but meetings, differing wholly from the social gatherings of the first third of a century, when it was still true that There's a barrel of porter in Tammany Hall, And the bucktails are swigging it all the night long. In the time of my childhood 'twas pleasant to call For a seat and cigar 'mid the jovial throng. - In the first faction fight of this period, between the Burrites and the Lewisites over the election of Morgan Lewis as governor in 1804, Tammany acted with the former, and began its political career with a bolt; for, while no organization has ever shown a higher respect for local regularity, none has ever been quicker to bolt the action of an Albany legislative caucus or a state convention, I in which it has never been popular, and was and is generally in the minority. Before another election came, Tammany had developed, from its own ranks and among its ward workers, Daniel D. Tompkins, one of those young and brilliant leaders whose careers, from the day of Tompkins to the day of Hoffman, have opened so well and fared so ill. A "regular" caucus with which Tammany acted nominated Tompkins, and a year later George Clinton was shelved by his choice as vice-president. For a brief period his son, De Witt Clinton, had acted with Tammany Hall. Like all succeeding mayors, he found how difficult it is for the chief executive officer of the city to distribute his patronage without quarreling with the local organization, and being compelled to fight the organization by a personal machine; to submit; or to resign political power-the three alternatives for seventy years presented to every mayor by Tammany Hall. Clinton, like Fernando Wood, chose the first. The general meetings of Tammany Hall were supporting every step taken by Madison, and its members received, in return, federal patronage, whose importance was enormously increased by the heavy imposts of the day, which, for the first time, were centring at New York. Clinton bitterly complained of this use of patronage, but he was powerless, and the candidate who at last defcated him in a contest for his seat in the senate, was the federal district attorney, Nathan Sanford. The death of John Broome, in the same year, gave Clinton the opportunity of running for lieutenant governor, an office which he reached, and a year later a general meeting in New York nominated him for the presidency. Tammany Hall arrayed itself on the side of regularity, and enjoying federal, state and city patronage, crushed Clinton. The struggle lasted for years with varying success, and ended only with Clinton's death, in 1828, while governor. His previous removal from the office of canal commissioner by Tammany Hall, had aroused an overwhelming popular sentiment in his favor. The frauds charged against Gov. Tompkins-the first of the great public scandals of Tammany Hall-had earlier enabled Clinton (1817) to win in a contest in which the vote of the state at large steadily opposed the dominant city organization, whose wealth and ability enabled it each winter, at Albany, to retrieve in the legislative caucus what it had lost at the polls in November. - Federal patronage, army contracts and local public works-now first begun-had by this time given the Tammany society wealth. It built, in 1812, its first hall, on the site now occupied by the "Sun" building. Its membership showed that alliance between local politicians and local busines men which it retained up to a very recent date. This alliance would be inexplicable in an organization which has uniformly opposed national and state measures, favorable to the city, and increased local taxation; but for the great profits which attend the use of active capital in contracts and in investments guided by an early knowledge |