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prices as the result of a multitude of causes. He re- plicity, compared with the beginning development forms the conception of income by opposing those of modern industry and free commerce. There definitions which regard the consumption of the were protectionists, like F. List, who in the reglaborers, not as the ultimate end of economy, but ulation of economic relations had an eye first of only as an incident of production. Many German all to the advantage of their own nation, and writers have carried on the work in Hermann's wished to favor the development of national spirit, such as Helferich and Mangoldt. Von wealth and power. The last had powerful allies. Thunen's work, "The Isolated State in Relation in North America, where protection against the to Agriculture and Political Economy," is form- all-powerful English industry is a natural polally far less perfect. Written at various times, icy. Romanticists and protectionists were both and published partly after his death, it is not con- on a false road. It was an idle attempt to oppose sistent in every respect. The various theories are a school which corresponded, although incomalso objectionable, in spite of the profundity and pletely, to modern wants and conditions, by the wealth of thought displayed. He acknowledges resurrection of obsolete views. Neither set of himself a disciple of Adam Smith, but differs economists, therefore, had many followers. But from him on many points. For the sake of easier if we must allow a certain critical merit in the and clearer explanation of economical phenomena, communists and extreme socialists of France, we he proceeds from abstractions which relate in the must grant this in a still greater degree to the first place only to agriculture. But the special romanticists and protectionists. Both oppose consideration of concrete practical relations, the the theory which seeks eternally valid natural frequent interpolation of calculations based on laws in economics, and which considers the natpractical experience, is unavoidable, and thus a ural condition of unlimited personal freedom as peculiarly realistic element is introduced into his the only justifiable one, without regard to the investigation. In his method of deduction itself needs of special times and nations. They called von Thunen is in so far peculiar as he converts our attention to the fact that we must approach economic concepts, wherever possible, into math- the study of economic relations in an historic ematical quantities, and then reaches his results spirit, that the same system is not suited to all. by mathematical operations. This method is ap- They declaimed, further, against the exclusive plied in his well-known investigation into the consideration of the increase of material wealth, natural rate of wages, but leads in this case, as in and taught us, that, for the prosperous developall others, to useless conclusions, because eco- ment of even purely economic conditions, the nomic phenomena, so various and many-sided, preservation of the ideal wealth of the nation, can not be forced into mathematical formulas ex- the harmonious development of the whole man cept by violent abstractions and fictions; and al- is by no means a matter of indifference. Finally, though a correct calculation may be made with they emphasized the fact, that, in a politically regsuch formulas, yet the results do not give an even ulated society, there is a difference between the approximately correct picture of reality. The ruling and the ruled, that the jural order is of same thing is true of Canard and Cournot, both the highest importance to economic development, of whom tried the mathematical method. Von that the state is not a necessary evil, but an indeThünen's warm sympathy for the laboring class, pendent factor, an inspiring and regulating elehis conviction, far ahead of his time, that the ment of the highest importance to the national dangers of the labor question could only be economy. List's agitation for the formation of averted by a humane course of action on the the customs union, however false his views of it part of the propertied classes, are of special in- in detail, and for the building of the net of terest to us. And so, in spite of the imperfec- German railways, shows that his fundamental tions of his results, in spite of all formal weak- ideas, in spite of their passionate one-sidedness, nesses of the self-educated man, he forms, as a were not unfruitful for the development of the disciple of Adam Smith, an instructive and glo- science. Since 1850 a series of German writers rious opposite to Ricardo, and shows how bitterly have followed these earlier Germans, who withopposed the German mind is to Manchesterism. out breaking with the English school, and without The opposition against Adam Smith in German falling into the errors of the Romanticists and literature at the beginning of this century pro- protectionists, have been constantly carrying new ceeded from very different tendencies from those ideas into the old English system. At first sevwhich conditioned French communism and social- eral famous economists undertook to carry the ism, for which there was no chance in Germany, historical method into the dogmatic system of since the minds of the working classes had not political economy, and with a complete recognibeen excited, and the relations of modern indus- tion of the relative truth in the propositions of try had hardly begun to develop. German oppo- Smith and Ricardo; yet, in the place of the onesition, on the contrary, sought safety in a return sided, absolutely valid natural laws, to acknowlto older views. There were romanticists (Adam edge everywhere, according to the stage of civMüller) who opposed to the absolute victory of ilization of a people, a difference in the actual individual liberty a romantic enthusiasm for me- forces in economic life, and a difference in the diæval relations of dependence, and displayed need of state interference. The labors of Rosgreat affection for the blessings of feudal sim- | cher, Hildebrand, Knies and others were epoch

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making in this direction. The right of this his- | debrand and Stein, seek to learn from socialism torical school to exist, which had long before celebrated its victory in the field of jurisprudence, was recognized by all German economists. Others, who had less to do with the introduction of this historical method, have endeavored, in hearty sympathy with the spirit of the historical school, to enlarge and correct the current conception of the state, and have emphasized the interaction of economical and other social and political forces. All the more prominent of the living German economists have labored in this direction, such as Stein, Schäffle, Dietzel, Schmoller, etc. Our science received a peculiar and fruitful impulse from the science of statistics, which since Quetelet's appearance (1835) had taken a new start, and, by the extensive activity of some German statisticians, has strongly influenced the younger economists. Statistics has oddly enough created here and there the belief in a strange utopia, the thought, namely, that we may discover unassailable, universally valid laws of economic life by inductive investigation upon the basis of exact statistical observations in mass, and so arrive by a new road to a completely satisfactory mechanical explanation of social life. This thought, however, to which the exaggerated ideas of Quetelet and Buckle led, has been rather expressed than acted upon, and the influence of statistics has been, as a matter of fact, a thoroughly healthy one. It consists in this, that men have been led, in all cases where the statistical material has been sufficient, to leave the basis of abstract premises in the explanation of present relations, and to take the carefully observed concrete facts as a starting-point and seek to ascertain their causal connection. On many questions, such as the bank question, we have thus arrived at highly satisfactory results, and a large number of valuable special investigations according to this method have given us a very welcome supplement to the system as elaborated by the historical school. Finally, the fact must be emphasized that the labor question has had a very great influence upon the treatment of the whole science of economics in Germany. Communistic and socialistic ideas invaded Germany as early as 1830-40. But the labor question did not acquire a great significance until after 1848, when the railroads and factories began to increase rapidly, and the way was broken for the sway of modern industry. German science did not assume the protesting position of the orthodox French economists. Hildebrand's "Political Economy of the Present and the Future,” and Stein's initiative investigations into communism and socialism, gave immediate evidence of a desire to do justice to the causes of the movements of the proletary by impartial and thorough examination of all claims. The labor question has become the most important chapter of political economy, and the various tendencies which exist within the science show themselves clearly in the treatment of this question. Most of the younger economists devote their special attention to the labor question, and following the example of Hil

instead of holding themselves aristocratically aloof from it. Various principles, which are to be found among the earlier German economists, have acquired a new significance from the labor question. The pressing problem of state-help or self-help, led necessarily to a more careful study of the functions of the state in economic matters. The observation of the war of classes waged between the proletary and the propertied classes, placed the importance of public spirit in a new light. The pressing cry for a solution of the labor question directed attention from the search after natural laws ruling in economics, to the question, what ought to prevail, what should be done? As a natural consequence, in opposition to the rationalistic explanation of what is, the teaching of the moral duty of men in economic actions became more prominent. The opposition of the German science of Roscher, Hildebrand, Knies, Schäffle, Stein, etc., to Manchesterism, expresses itself in the great stress laid on the ethical element, and this has become more marked in the younger economists, from Adolph Wagner down to Brentano. Thus by various roads German political economy has advanced far beyond Adam Smith, Ricardo and J. B. Say. It has attained to new views, new methods and new results, and its advances have been far more consistent and complete than the acquisitions of even a John Stuart Mill, let alone the ideas of a Bastiat and a Carey, which are new rather in form and terms of expression than in content. German science has not, it is truc, as yet evolved any entirely new system of economics, which independent in form and content, can look down on Adam Smith as obsolete, as the latter could look down on the mercantile system. The relative truth of the results of the English masters, as well as the relative justifiableness of their method, is fully recognized, because, as a matter of fact, in many economical matters the uncontrolled freedom of the individual leads to the best results for society as a whole; because, as a matter of fact, particularly in the sphere of commercial activity, egoism is naturally the prevailing motive; and because our observations of concrete phenomena are still too incomplete to allow us to dispense entirely with the method of abstract deduction. The English masters have determined for us thus far the general limits of the science as a whole, and of various fundamental questions. But as German science advances with success by independent roads from the basis already laid, it forms a sharp contrast to that slavish dependence upon the English and upon Manchesterism which delights in following to their greatest extremes the weaknesses and one-sidedness of those great masters. Recent English political economy has been enriched by the writings of Prof. Cairnes, Hearn, Musgrave, Shadwell, Jevons, Fawcett, W. T. Thornton, H. D. Macleod, Bagehot, J. E. Thorold Rogers, Cliffe Leslie and J. K. Ingram. J. S. Mill's great work, which is still the best general treatise on economics in Eng

lish, marked a turning point in English political | greatly to that widespread interest in such branch. economy. It summed up all the contributions to es which is characteristic of the new Italy. Cher. the science which had up to that time been made buliez was an economist of great ability, and his by the Smith-Ricardo school of economists. In Précis de la science économique is the ablest exposithat very work, however, Mill showed signs of dis- tion of political economy in the French language. agreement with some of the fundamental tenets of │- The history of political economy in America is the school. His views of distribution and of the yet to be written. American economists, even limits of state interference mark a sharp contrast still more than their English brethren, have deto those of some of his immediate predecessors. voted their attention rather to practical than to Before his death he gave signs of a still more theoretical questions. Most of our economical fundamental difference in giving up the wagesworks have been written to defend one view or fund theory, upon which he had laid such stress in the other of our great political and economical his great work. He was moved to this by an able problems. In general the same tendencies are ob. work of W. T. Thornton's on "Labor." Cliffe servable here as in other countries. We have our Leslie and Professor Ingram may be said to be- irreconcilable free-traders, our bitter and bigoted long to the historical school, and have distin- protectionists, our laissez faire, laissez passer school, guished themselves by their opposition to the or- and our defenders of a paternal government. thodox economists. To these latter belong Cairnes With the exception of Henry Carey, our economists and Fawcett, the former of whom in his works on have attracted no particular attention abroad, and the "Logical Method of Political Economy," and exercised no considerable influence. The study of Some Leading Principles of Political Economy economics is becoming daily more and more wideNewly Expounded," has made valuable additions spread, and the foundation of departments of and corrections in the science. Rogers' "History political science in connection with our colleges is of Agriculture and Prices in England," Jevons' becoming quite common. Few countries in the 'Theory of Political Economy," and "Money world offer as many advantages to the inductive and the Mechanism of Exchange," and Macleod's student of economics as America. Here everyand Bagehot's writings on financial subjects, are thing is on such a grand scale, and the machinery among the most valuable contributions of English of society is still so simple, that extraordinary opwriters to economic science in the last twenty portunities are offered to study the fundamental years. Recent (i. e., since 1850) French political elements of the great national economy in their economy has not received the attention it deserves simplicity. There is but little doubt that the near from foreign writers. Several economic periodi- | future will see valuable original work done in cals are maintained, and many valuable mono- economics by American students. Among our graphs have been published during the last thirty | early writers on economics, Benjamin Franklin years. In 1851-3 the Dictionnaire de l'Economie, may fairly lay claim to having anticipated, by a edited by Coquelin and Guillaumin, was published full generation, Adam Smith's theory that labor is -a vast treasure-house of economic science. the only proper measure of value, and also MalAmong recent economists Michel Chevalier stands thus' theory of population, that man tends to infirst. He wrote chiefly on financial questions, crease in numbers in a greater ratio than the though he published also a "Course of Political means of subsistence. Alexander Hamilton disEconomy.' Wolowski was a vigorous opponent cussed in his reports many economic questions of Chevalier, an adherent of the historical school, with great ability. Daniel Raymond published and a prolific writer on monetary questions. He his Elements of Political Economy" in 1819. favored a double standard. Among other econ- He took decided ground against Adam Smith, omists we may mention the following: Passy, emphasizing the distinction between individual Reybaud; De Parieu, the author of an excellent and national wealth, maintaining that our aim treatise on taxation; Garnier, a writer on finance; should be to increase the latter even at the expense Baudrillart, Cournot and Walras, the last two of the former. He opposed Malthus' theory, and devoted believers in the mathematical method of demanded protection for home manufactures by investigating economic phenomena; A. Clèment, means of a tariff. Cooper's "Lectures on the and Paul Leroy-Beaulieu. The tendencies of these Elements of Political Economy," published in writers are as various, and in general the same, as 1826, took exactly opposite ground, and insisted those already noticed in Germany and England. on the necessity of free trade. The word "nation," Among the recent economists in the other conti- he says, is an empty word. The wealth of a nental countries we may mention Prof. Ferrara, nation is nothing but the wealth of the individuals Boccardo, Mora, Bianchini, Messedaglia, Nazzani who compose it, etc. The most important, origand Cossa, in Italy; Brasseur, Périn, De Molinari inal and acute American economist was Henry and De Lavelaye, in Belgium; Cherbuliez and C. Carey. Men oftentimes further the progress Sismondi, in Switzerland; Estrada, Colmeiro and of a science quite as much by their errors as by Santillan, in Spain; and Forjaz de Sampajo, in the new truth they discover. Carey is one of Portugal. Of these, Ferrara was a man of re- those writers whose views, although they are not markable ability, and did the science great service tenable either as a whole or in detail, have been by his acute and brilliant criticism; and by his received with attention and appreciation by the enthusiasm for economic studies he contributed whole scientific world. He has had devoted fol

lowers in Germany, France and Italy, and al- | his doctrine of the perfect harmony of all human though his views have not been generally accepted, interests and of the advantages of freedom, Cayet they have exercised considerable influence in rey is a pronounced protectionist, maintaining a negative way, leading those whose theories he that English competition would ruin American attacked to a more careful formulation of what- | industry, and that in order to insure that diversity ever truth they contain. Carey, like Bastiat, pro- of employments necessary to the highest civilizaceeds in all his writings upon the assumption of a tion, the active interference of the government complete harmony between natural and social in- is necessary. Most American economists agree terests. In self-interest and in the innate desire with Carey in rejecting the doctrines of Malof man to better his external condition, he finds thus and Ricardo, though on various grounds. the surest road to prosperity, the natural basis of Among recent economists the following deserve the moral progress of society. He not only denies especial mention: Prof. A. L. Perry of Williams any antagonism between labor and capital, but college, Prof. Francis A. Walker of the Boston sees in the co-operation of these two factors the technological school, Prof. Sumner of Yale colmost powerful means of promoting an increased lege, Prof. Thompson of Philadelphia, and Prof. production, which will surely and continually Henry George of California. Prof. Perry is a improve the condition of the laboring classes. He pronounced free trader of the Bastiat type. His. boldly proclaims the possibility of an endless and text book on political economy has been perhapsboundless growth. He starts with a thorough dis- more widely used than any other recent publicacussion of the ideas of value, labor and production. tion in America. It contains some valuable He bases value upon labor, and makes the cost chapters on the history of the sciences, on value,. of reproduction the standard of value. He then and on the tariff and currency. Prof. Walker's. passes to the theory of distribution, and makes his works on 'Money" and "Wages" have placed harmony of interests the fundamental principle. him in the front rank of American economists. The tendency of man to increase is surpassed by His father's work on the Science of Wealth' that of capital to multiply. The productivity of is one of the best economic works which has aplabor is conditioned by the density of the popula- peared in America. Prof. Thompson has pubtion. The more numerous the people, the more lished a work, written to set forth the doctrines extensive man's control over nature, and the more of the Carey school in a more scientific form. rapid the increase of capital. The share of the Among American economists Mr. David A. Wells laborer in the product becomes absolutely and rela- also occupies an exalted position. His earliest tively greater, and that of the capitalist, although economic writing was a cogent examination of relatively decreasing, is becoming absolutely larger the debt and resources of the country, written all the while. A constant diminution in the un- during the rebellion. This tract brought him productive classes follows this continued devel- | into notice as a statistican, and led to his appointopment. Cary is, as will be seen, an opponent ment to the position of special commissioner of of Malthus. He urges the possibility of emigra- the revenue (1865–9), and the reports he prepared tion, the possibility of a fairer distribution of in these years are models of clear reasoning and wealth and the immense tracts of unoccupied close application of general principles to facts. land in the world as proof of the falsity of Mal- While in this position he became convinced of thus' view. In his earlier writings Cary (in the many inconsistencies of the protective system, agreement with Ricardo) assumed that cultivation and he has since become one of the leaders of a proceeds from the most productive to the less and movement for a reform of the tariff, and the less productive lands. The increasing produc- greater part of his writings have had reference tivity of labor, however, causes a depreciation in to this subject. As one of the commissioners to the value of the capital expended on lands in revise the laws for the assessment and collection early times, and consequently in the value of the of taxes in New York state, he made two relands themselves. Lands rent at any given time ports, the great merits of which have been widely only for such a sum as represents the interest on recognized, and greatly enhanced his reputation as the capital required at that time to bring similar a writer on taxation. Mr. Wells' writings, which lands into cultivation. This sum is always far are scattered in many periodicals, are marked by less than the sum actually expended on any piece great clearness and accuracy, and form valuable of ground. The value of land is consequently contributions to the economic literature of the controlled by the same laws as the value of all country. He belongs to no particular school of other kinds of property. In his later works he economists. He has edited a volume of Bastiat's maintains that cultivation does not proceed from essays, and prepared, in 1881, a "History of the the most productive to the less productive, but American Merchant Marine," a work which ad in just the contrary order, from the least produc- mirably illustrates his methods. Among contive to the most productive. With the establish- temporary economists in America, Prof. W. G. ment of this proposition, he proposes to overSumner of Yale college occupies a very high throw the whole doctrine of rent as set forth by rank. His chief published economic works are Ricardo. Carey's writings are permeated with a his "History of American Currency," 1874; his feeling of bitter hostility to England, and are full of gross errors of fact. In striking contrast with

History of Protection in the United States," 1877; his collection of papers on "What the social

classes owe to each other," 1883. Prof. Sum- | theology. But if we discard the forms which are ner's strongest work, however, is not seen in his published books. It has been in his oral instruction. Prof. George's principal work is entitled "Progress and Poverty," and is mainly devoted to a discussion of distribution. There are many able writers on economics connected with the press of the country. But America is still waiting for the man to appear who shall make her contributions to the science as great and valuable as those of any other nation. - LITERATURE. Die geschichtliche Entwickelung der Nationalõkonomik und ihrer Literature, by Julius Kautz; Die Geschichte der Nationalökonomik, by H. Eisenhardt; Histoire de l'Economie politique en Europe, by Ad. Blanqui; Geschichte der Nationalōkonomik in Deutschland, by W. Roscher, and the Guide to the Study of Political Economy, by L. Cossa, are the works which, aside from the original authorities, have been chiefly consulted in compiling the preceding article. Some of the expositions of the doctrines held by the various schools have been taken with but little change from the above-named works. Prof. Cossa's little work, based on the larger special works in French, German and Italian, is a very convenient summary of the most valuable works on political economy in all languages. E. J. JAMES.

peculiar to oriental thought, we shall find in the religious books of the east social and political theories of the highest importance. For example, the system of caste and the theocratic system; such are the two principal ideas to which. Indian politics, or, to use a better expression, Brahminical politics, may be reduced. We find, in the sacred book of the "Laws of Manu," a very striking expression of these two ideas. It is said there that the four castes, into which, from. all antiquity, Indian society was divided, issued from Brahma, who produced them each from a different part of his own body; the Brahmins, or priests, from his mouth; the kshatryas, or warriors, from his arm; the vaisyas, or merchants, and laborers, from his thigh; and, finally, the sudras, or servants, from his foot. The theocratic theory appears in the same book in its most insolent form. "The Brahmin," it is said there, "is the lord of all beings; all that exists is his property; it is by the generosity of the Brahmin that other men enjoy the goods of this world." The book of Manu admits, indeed, the existence of royalty, and even, with oriental hyperbole, the monarch is: called therein " a great divinity"; but this divinity is the slave of the Brahmins; he is obliged to "communicate to them all his affairs, and overwhelm them with benefactions and wealth." One sole fact describes this ignominious dependence: in a very striking manner: "If the king finds a treasure," it is written, "he owes half of it to the Brahmins; if the Brahmin finds one, he keeps it for himself alone, without dividing it with the king."-The Buddhist reformation profoundly changed this social system, not because in the beginning (as Burnouf has well shown) Buddha, or Sakyamuni, attacked the system of caste; but by proclaiming religious equality, he evidently gave it a mortal blow.. "My law is a law of grace for all,” he said. He called, above all, beggars and vagabonds to a religious life. These principles bore their fruits. In one of the oldest Buddhist legends, the system of caste is strongly and deeply attacked: "There is not between the Brahmin and a man of another caste the difference which exists between a stone and gold, between light and darkness. The Brahmin, in fact, did not spring from the ether or the wind; he did not rend the earth to appear in the light of day; he was born from the matrix of a woman, like the chandala (the vilest of creatures, inferior to the sudra)." By its hostility to caste, Buddhism has been able to extend everywhere in Asia, and principally in China, where the people appear never to have known this system; even where castes exist still, as in Ceylon, Buddhism has destroyed the theocratic character which the system had in India, and has changed it into a military and feudal system. I shall say nothing of Persia, of which we know so little, except that in the Zendavesta the system of caste appears in a singularly mild form; that the priests are there rather coun

POLITICAL SCIENCE is that part of social science which treats of the foundations of the state and of the principles of government. It is closely connected with political economy, or, as it is sometimes called, the science of wealth; with law, be it natural or positive, which has principally to do with the relations of citizens to one another; with history, which furnishes it with the facts of which it has need; with philosophy, and, above all, with morality, which supply it with a part of its principles. Political science is either theoretical or applied. In theory it establishes general laws, which it draws either from experience or from reason, and which are as much the generalized expression of facts as the pure conception of an ideal more or less possible of realization. As applied science, it seeks the means of reducing to practice these general principles,.taking into consideration time, place, manners, resources, in a word, circumstances. We shall speak here only of theoretical political science, and our intention is not to propound any particular doctrine, but to give a summary, following the order of time, of the principal theories which the history of the science has preserved to us. We may divide the history of political ideas into five periods: 1, the oriental period; 2, the GræcoLatin period; 3, the middle ages and the renaissance; 4, the modern period, which extends from the sixteenth century to the time of the French revolution; 5, the contemporaneous period. — I. The East. We may say that the east (if we except China) was never acquainted with political science. Among most eastern nations, India, Persia, Judea, politics never succeeded in separating itself fromcilors of the king than his masters; and especially