to conceal the mountebank or placehunter, and they naturally destroyed it. They converted it from a judge into a partisan, divided it, and endeavoured to dovetail it to a part of the Ministry against the other part; by this they dissipated much of its strength, and threw it into the scale of the Opposition. The mischief would not have been so great had they given to the latter, office as well as the majority; but they decided that the Opposition should govern in respect of creed, and the Ministry in regard to person. The Ministry found itself beaten in principle, but omnipotent in the possession of place; its honesty was naturally overpowered, and it embraced the creed of the Opposition. The Inde pendents necessarily had the balance taken from them, and they were scoffed and despised out of party being.

The Ministry and Opposition then raised the cry against party divisions; Whig and Tory joined in casting from them their party names, and dilating on the blessings of unanimity and love amidst public men; the abandonment of creed on the part of the Ministerialists was declared to be a proof of the highest wisdom and virtue. No one can look at the war which now rages between the Ministry and the Whigs without being convinced that the object of all this guilt was party gain. It had the effect of destroying, in regard to general creed, all parties save the Whigs, placing the community at the mercy of the combined Ministry and Opposition, and making the doctrines of the visionary and demagogue, the mercenary trader and traitor, irresist ible in the governing of the empire.

Other things have, no doubt, aided in producing this consummation. One is the rapidly increasing political influence of manufactures and trade. This has added greatly to the number of members connected with the latter, on the one hand, and it has given them much aristocratic power on the other. Various of the most influential Peers, from their lead and coal mines, their iron works, their building-ground, their colonial property, &c., conceive themselves to be as much dependent on trade as on agriculture; and their weight now goes with the former.

The old commercial system stood on the principle of giving equal protection to all; under it each interest was amply protected against the foreigner, and was taught to allow the same to the others, and to seek, in general prosperity, its own. If manufactures were distressed, they were relieved by restriction and bounty, but not by the robbery of agriculture; if the latter were plunged into suffering, it was relieved by similar means, but not by distressing manufactures. This kept the great inte rests of the country in harmony, and preserved them from being made the allies and tools of party and faction. It made little difference whether the county or manufacturing place was represented by a landowner or a manufacturer-a Tory or a Whig; because the one was as free to attend to its interests as the other. This operated strongly to divide and balance the House of Commons in regard to political party.

The new system stands on the principle of stripping all of protec tion; under it each interest is taught to regard protection against the foreigner as an evil, and to believe that its profit lies in the injury and ruin of the others. This brings the great interests of the country into fierce contention, and makes their contention the pith of party creed; of course, Parliament is rendered unanimous in general principles, in proportion as it is composed of the friends of this system. As the latter is supported by the Whigs, it is supported by the Ministry, and, consequently, by all party men. Those who are engaged in foreign and retail trade need no direct protection; they are clamorous for abolishing it to all others, and especially to the agriculturists, and they now elect or control the part of Parliament which holds the scale between parties. The growth of manufactures and trade has enabled them to take precedence of agriculture in dictating to the county members, as well as to fill many seats with men engaged in them, which were, previously to a recent period, occupied by independent gentlemen. While the system has involved the leading interests of the empire in destructive war, it has practically given to one part of the combatants a monopoly of

Parliament against the other; while it has made this war the essence of party creed, it has expelled independence from the House of Commons, and converted it into an assembly of devoted adherents to one faith.

The lower classes formerly voted at elections under the control of their superiors, but this is no longer the case; they practically return many members, and no little of the change must be ascribed to the deplorable one which has taken place in their feelings. Much must also be attributed to the effects of the Catholic question.

For some time the House of Commons has been largely under the leadership of trading lawyers. The Whig orators have been principally such lawyers-Mr Tierney was but an unwilling follower-and they have led, not only their own party, but the Tories. Both sides have looked only among lawyers for recruits, and their recruits have naturally been miserable failures, who have only added to the stock of commonplace in both ability and principle. From the union of the great parties, their rotten boroughs have been principally filled with brainless dependents. In an age distinguished beyond precedent for the increase of talent and knowledge, the House has declined in both; as age and death have removed them from it, on the one hand, its doors have been barred against their entrance, on the other; no new commanding genius has been suffered to enter it, to mitigate the bigotry and despotism of its old heads, and place it under the influence of reason and evidence.

Many of these things, then, have combined to give a totally new character to the House of Commons, and it now forms a spectacle wholly without example. With the exception of a remnant of the Tories, the House is unanimous in general principles, and yet convulsed with the strife of parties: the Ministry and Opposition are united in creed, ánd yet, from the war which rages between them, the former

can

scarcely maintain itself in office. What is the object of this war? AVOWEDLY PLACE ALONE. Putting out of sight the old Tories, as men who scarcely speak or act, do the old

VOL. XXVII. NO. CLXV.

Whigs, the Huskisson party, and the other Opposition parties, seek a change of measures? No, they protest against it: if such a change be proposed, they to a man vote with the Ministry. Do they desire a change of men? Even this they partially disavow. They want no new measures, they do not wish to remove the Duke of Wellington; all they crave is, that they may be made his humble devoted colleagues, and in consequence, that as many Peelites, or members of the Londonderry rump, may be dismissed, as will supply the necessary vacuum. Mr Brougham's speeches are composed throughout of explanations, apologies, and protestations, to prove that he agrees in all the essentials with Ministers, and entertains for them the most profound reverence; he even lavishes boundless laudations on the virtues of Mr Peel, who cut such a figure in the last Session. The learned "patriot" knocks and wheedles, points to his sores, and dilates on his perfections; but the gate of office will not open, no one will pity his sorrows, or offer the hand of fellowship and the official alms to the prostrate mendicant. We cannot pause to wonder at the cruelty which this cannot melt. His brethren imitate him. If the Huskisson people would not spare the Duke, it is merely from personal animosity. All seek office only.

But why must there be no change of measures? Are the old ones beneficial? Look at the condition, petitions, and feelings of the countrylisten to the confessions of this manyheaded Opposition. It is avowed even by Mr Brougham and Mr Huskisson, that the whole nation is in terrible distress; that the present measures have been followed by such distress, instead of benefit; and that at least some of them have had a large share in its production. They offer nothing worthy of being called a defence of these measures, and they do not even aver, that without a change public misery will vanish, or will not increase. By what they say, and what they leave unsaid, they prove that a complete change of measures is essential for saving the empire from destruction, and that they oppose one, solely because it would exclude them from power. And why is there to be no change of men? Be

2 U

cause they know they are so thoroughly despised by the country, that they could not alone stand as a Ministry for a week; they will retain the Duke, or a select few of his adherents, that they may be enabled to hold office.

The Ministry is confessedly of no settled principle. Lord Darlington, whom it selected as its especial representative to move the Address, declared he supported it, for what? Because it was distinguished for talent? No.-Because it was conspicuously consistent and upright? No. -Because it was a Tory one, acting on Whig principles," or, in plain English, a set of men who, while they pretended to belong to one party, acted on the creed of an opposite one. This shameless avowal, that, with party, principle ought to be an instrument of sordid gain, and that it was a virtue in a Ministry to profess one faith and practise another, was perhaps worthy of the turncoat borough scion; but, however, it formed no proof of his being duly qualified to dispose of seats in Parliament. In point of capacity, the Ministry ranks far below any former one. The Duke of Wellington, by his intrepid assertions-his facts" and deductions, has produced the general conviction that he is totally unfit for his office; and no one can peruse the orations of Mr Goulburn, without being astonished to find such a man the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Of their colleagues we need not speak, It has been most absurdly said, that this Ministry is weak in Parliament, but strong out of it. What is its Parliamentary weakness? In aristocratic and constrained votes, it is strong almost beyond precedent; it has the Londonderry, the Liverpool, the oldest of the old Whig, the Scotch, and the Irish rumps-in a a word, it is so based on rumps, that it might be thought impossible for miracle to upset it. In its general policy and measures, it is supported by nearly the whole of Parliament. In regard to independent support, the public weal, and opposition to party and faction-in a word, as a real and proper government, it is powerless; but as the instrument of party and faction, and the possessor of power, it is omnipotent. Nothing can move it; if it be out-voted, or be likely to sustain defeat, it instant

ly adopts the opinion of its opponents; therefore, were it infinitely more destitute of character and ability than it is, it would still be irresistible. And what is its strength out of Parliament? The country regards it with sullen contempt, and merely tolerates it from hatred of the Whigs, and the conviction, that with a change of men there would be none of mea

sures.

Thus, then, putting out of sight the old Tories, the House of Commons presents this portentous spectacle. The Ministry is destitute beyond example of character, knowledge, and ability; in national matters it is in a minority, and is led by the Opposition; and yet in measures, the sacrifice of principle, exemption from due control, disregard of public opinion, and the possession of place, it is supported by the whole House, and is omnipotent. The most anti-English and profligate Opposition that ever disgraced the empire, is practically in essentials the real government; and it and the Ministry are free from the influence of a controlling party. All parties seek office, and while they are fiercely at war on party interests, they combine to prevent any change of measures. All confess, that under the present measures the empire has fallen into the extreme of misery; in this they confess that a radical change is essential; and it is evident to every man that they oppose one solely on party interests. While party and faction are irresistible, the country is powerless; all sides disregard its prayers, and use its interests merely as the means of promoting party gain.

We do not concur in the complaint that the House is a kind of "spouting club;" woe to England! if it ever be made a mere voting club. It exists to examine and discuss, as well as to vote; and we are quite sure that its speeches are not the least valuable of the things which flow from it. When it is properly constituted, its debates are in the highest degree beneficial to both itself and the country; they invigorate and cultivate its own powers, enlighten the public mind, nurture public spirit, and direct public opinion. Even when it is not so, they are of great use in illustrating its character, collectively or severally.

From its present condition, its de

bates turn wholly on party and personal interests. The latter will not suffer a change of measures to be even mentioned, therefore the interests of the empire are in essentials excluded from notice; attempts to restore prosperity are prohibited. The Ministry is pledged, the Opposition is pledged-all parties are pledged, that there shall be no change of measures; and, of course, the removal of the appalling distress of the community cannot even be made matter of discussion. One member perhaps delivers himself of a long tirade against the change of currency, but he disavows all wish to disturb the present system, because change is prohibited. Another proclaims that vast masses of the community are involved in bankruptcy, but he proposes no remedy, because change is prohibited. A third gives the most affecting description of the want and misery of the working classes, but he advises no relief, because change is prohibited. There shall be no change of measures! says that accursed system which is now the only thing in the empire held sacred; and who may dare to disobey its command? In consequence, instead of statesmanlike, patriotic, and efficient plans of relief, we are presented with the vulgar and obsolete cry for retrenchment and the reduction of taxes. Do those who raise it point out, like upright and sensible men, how the retrenchment and reduction of taxes can be compassed? No, they make vague demands, without proof, for that which is impracticable. Do they fairly shew by calculation what relief any possible reduction of taxes will yield? No, they speak in wild generalities, as though such reduction would fill the land with prosperity. They strive to dry the Hood by abstracting from it a single drop-to remove the mountain by taking a mere handful from its summit.

But what is the spirit of this? The cry is an old, battered, party one, and its real object is to crush one party, and exalt another. It is used to cast odium on the aristocracy, and inflame the passions of the multitude-to delude the country, touching the sources of its suffering, and prevent it from seeking the proper remedies.

The speeches and conduct of the

leading reformers, are sufficiently indicative of their motives. If reform can be used to libel and injure an obnoxious individual or party, it is eagerly resorted to; if not, it is forgotOn most other matters, as well. as this, if party and faction cannot be served, no one remembers the country.

ten.

Let us now enquire how far a remedy to this state of things could be found in a reform of the House of Commons.

The three grand primary objects to be gained in the formation of this House, are,-1. The greatest practicable portion of talent, knowledge, and patriotism. 2. The due representation of every interest and calling. And, 3. The placing the majority in the hands of wise, patriotic, and independent men. It inevitably follows, that to gain these objects, the franchise must, in the first place, be confined in the majority to intelligent, patriotic, and upright voters; and in the second, be so bestowed, that each interest and calling may be able to repel the unjust aggressions of the others. It is also evidently essential that due means be taken for ensuring a proper variety of candidates.

When this is taken as the test, the present system of election is doubtlessly very defective; but various of its greatest defects do not lie with the aristocratic boroughs.

Putting aside these boroughs, talent, knowledge, and patriotism, are excluded from Parliament, if their possessor be not able and willing to throw away a fortune. We say nothing against the parliamentary qua lification; but it is absurd to call it the only one, when a man cannot possess a seat, without sacrificing several thousands of pounds at every election. All but the very rich, or the very improvident, and, in consequence, all but the worst qualified, are rigorously excluded. A county, perhaps, does not contain more than half a dozen individuals, able and willing to contest it; and, at the best, its choice is confined to them; but very often it is confined to the same members, however incapable they may be, from inability to find any one to oppose them. If no other than the parliamentary qualification were required, it would contain a profusion of candidates for every election. An open