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vernment at home-(of which he often speaks very freely)-he proves himself to be as thoroughly conversant, as with the details of all mili. tary operations. Indeed, there are no symptoms of haste or hurry in the getting up of these volumes, such as deform some other narratives of the Peninsular war, which were flung forth into the maw of the public, ahunger and athirst for stories of peril and strife. The work has been composed and corrected most carefully from all the best authorities, and is every where breathed over by that spirit of enthusiasm, which is deepened and strengthened even by the caution which accompanies knowledge. The author is, on the whole, an admirer of the Spanish character, and does ample justice to their heroic sufferings, sacrifices, and achievements. Here he is at issue with that most able writer and distinguished officer Colonel Napier. But they who defend the conduct and character of the Spaniards-through thick and thin-will find him as little in agreement with such fancies, as they who abuse the "universal Spanish nation" as the scum of the earth, will find him in agreement with such libels. He does burst out into triumph with the Spaniards at the surrender of Dupont's army at Baylen -and far more enthusiastically does he declare the praises of the defend

ers

"Of Zaragoza naked to the gales Of fiercely-breathing war!" Had he not done so, we should have been ashamed of him, and of ourselves for praising his work, notwithstanding the great abilitieswhich it displays; but while he is just to the many virtues of the Spanish character, and delights to record the triumph which they achieved, under as great difficulties as ever weighed heavy on the efforts of any people struggling to deliver themselves from a foreign yoke, he does not spare the vacillating, and worse than vacillating spirit, that too often characterised the councils of their Juntas-the obstinacy and folly of many of their captains -nor yet of some the disaffection and cowardice. But that the Spanish people contributed to their own liberation, and greatly contributed too, he believes; and he proves it by a

narrative in which neither vices nor virtues, defeats nor victories, national disgraces or national glories, are ever exaggerated-but set down fully and fearlessly whenever they happen, in what he conscientiously thinks the light of truth. In the same fair spirit does he, in our opinion, speak of the French. He does not hold himself ready, on all occasions, to pour forth upon them-officers and soldiers-a flood or stream of eulogythough he admits them to have been at all times,

"Foemen worthy of our steel." That the French armies committed great enormities, in which the soldiers were sometimes countenanced by their officers, he proves; and he likewise proves, that such was not-to nearly the same extent-the conduct and character of our army. Some may call this prejudice, partiality, and injustice; we call it-Truth. So, all the battles, great or small, in which the British army routed, overthrew, or destroyed the French, he calls Victories; and, instead of striving to underrate such achievements, by weighing them in that calm, cool, balancing spirit, with which a grocer's apprentice would deal you out half-a-pound of brown sugar, he declares them at once to have been most glorious to the British arms, and such as proved officers and men to be superior-often infinitely superior-in skill and courage, to their enemies, whom oftencontrary to all the rules of war-they scattered and trode under foot like dust. And was it not so? During all that Seven Years' War, did the British army-though often far outnumbered-ever once suffer a decisive defeat? Did it not sometimes make a drawn battle under circumstances which must have been fatal to any other power? Did it not, on every field where victory was possible, achieve victory? And did it not continue kicking one French army after another across rivers and sierras, sheering their strength as with a scythe, till it kicked them finally into France, in a style most painful and disgraceful to the hinder parts of the "Grande nation," which must be aching, one would think, even unto this day?

Such being, in our estimation, the character of this work, we do not he

sitate to declare, that the author has accomplished what he intended, "a work which should introduce to the intimate acquaintance of the great body of the people, the events of one of the most memorable periods in the history of their country, which should diffuse and imprint, more widely and more deeply, a fitting pride in the great achievements of the British arms, and render Englishmen more familiar with the circumstances of the most splendid and important triumph ever gained by the supporters of liberty, justice, and the rights of man, in opposing the gigantic usurpation of wild and profligate ambition."

Let us now turn to the first campaign of the British army in Portugal, 1808, for some specimens of this admirable work. We must take for granted in our readers, a general acquaintance with the situation of the French army for some time previous to the opening of the campaign. On the 14th of August, first blood was shed at a village called Brilos; and on the 17th, the French General Delaborde, whose object it was to retard the advance of the English army, in order to gain time for å junction with Loison, occupied a position in the front of Roliça. Sir Arthur Wellesley, having formed his army into three columns, advanced to the attack. The right consisted of 1200 Portuguese infantry, and 50 Portuguese cavalry, intended to turn the left flank of Delaborde's position, and penetrate into the mountains in the rear. left, consisting of Major-General Ferguson's and Brigadier-General Bower's brigades of infantry, three companies of riflemen, and about forty cavalry, British and Portuguese, was destined, under command of General Fergusson, to ascend the hill of Obidos, in order to turn the posts which the enemy still held on the left of the valley, as well as the right of his position at Roliça. This corps was likewise directed to watch for the approach of Loison, who was known to be in the neighbourhood, in order to prevent the junction of force with that of Delaborde. The centre column, commanded by Sir Arthur in person, and consisting of Major-General Hill's, Brigadier-General Nightingale's, Brigadier-Gene ral Crawfurd's, and Brigadier-Gene

The

ral Fane's brigades, with 4000 Portuguese light-infantry, and the main body of the British and Portuguese cavalry, were ordered to assemble on the plain, and attack the front of the position. The whole army consisted of about 14,000.

morning, and a calm and quiet beauty

"Such was the order of attack. It was

pending conflict.
seemed to linger on the scene of the im-
though steep and difficult of access, pos-
The heights of Roliça,

sessed few of the sterner and more im

posing features of mountain scenery. The heat and droughts of summer had deprived them of much of that brightness of verdure which is common in a colder and more variable climate. Here and there the face of the heights was indented by deep ravines, worn by the winter torrents, the precipitous banks of which were occasionally covered with wood; and below, extended groves of the cork-tree and olive; while Obidos, with its ancient walls and fortress, and stupendous aqueduct, rose in

the middle distance. To the east the prospect was terminated by the lofty summit of the Monte Junto, and on the west by the Atlantic.

"As the centre column commenced its advance towards the steep acclivity in front, the enemy gave no demonstration ful, as when the goat-herd tended his of hostility; and all was still and peaceflock on the hilly pastures, and the peasant went forth to his labours, carolling his matin song in the sunrise. Such was the scene about to be consecrated in the eyes of posterity by the first considerable outpouring of British blood, in a cause as pure, just, noble, and generous, as any of which history bears record.

"The position of the enemy could only be approached in front by narrow paths, winding through deep and rocky ravines, and surrounded by masses of brushwood, in which Delaborde had stationed his light infantry. Till reaching the bottom of the heights the British troops were protected by the cork and olive woods from the fire of the enemy's artillery. But in their ascent the troops had to encounter a resistance, which became at every stage of their progress more fierce and vehement. heavy fire was opened on the assailants from the brushwood on either flank, and at every point at which they became exposed to the action of artillery, a shower of cannon-shot came sweeping down the ravines with terrible effect.

A

"Even in these difficult and disheart

ening circumstances, no symptoms of con fusion were manifested in the British coJumns. The advance of General Night.

ingale's brigade was led by the twentyninth regiment with singular bravery and resolution. They beheld themselves suffering from attacks which it was impossible to repel; but the high discipline of the regiment enabled it to surmount every obstacle; and, under every disadvantage, they kept on theirway steady and unbroken. The Honourable Lieut.-Colonel Lake, by

whom it was commanded, fell, as the head of the column reached the summit of the hill, and became exposed to a heavy and destructive fire from the vineyards occupied by the enemy. The grenadier company of the twenty-ninth were in the act of forming, when a French battalion, after pouring in a volley, advanced to the charge, and succeeded in overpowering the small but gallant body, which had already crowned the heights. This success was temporary. The remainder of the regiment came up; and, supported by the ninth regiment, the colonel of which was also killed, they drove back the enemy, and succeeded in maintaining their position, against every effort to regain possession of the heights.

"The success thus gallantly achieved was rendered more decided by the brigade of General Hill, which had already formed on the heights, and the appearance of the column of General Ferguson, which at first had taken a wrong direction, but was now observed to be traversing the right flank of the enemy's position. Delaborde's situation had now become one of extreme peril; and he was too skilful a general not at once to perceive the necessity of immediate retreat. Precipitately abandoning his position, he retired to the village of Zambugeira, where he again made demonstration of resistance. From this, by a most gallant charge, he was driven by General Spencer.

"The loss of the French, in this engagement, was six hundred killed and wounded; among the latter of which was their brave and skilful leader. That of the English was somewhat less. It is stated by

the official returns to have amounted altogether to four hundred and eighty-two. The force of Delaborde, in the action, is known to have amounted to five thousand

men."

The numbers of the troops on both sides actually engaged were nearly equal. Before the appearance of the columns of Trant and Ferguson, the enemy had already been dislodged from his position; and the brigades of Hill and Nightingale were in a condition unaided to have driven him from the village of Zambugeira. Considering the disadvantages under which

they fought, and the magnitude of the obstacles overcome, the achievement was one unquestionably highly honourable to the troops. This action, our author observes, is memorable, as constituting one of those rare occasions, in which the judgment and prudence of the greatest general of the age may fairly be called in question. For it is now admitted by all military men, that the attack on the part of the second position at Roliça was injudicious. The columns of General Fergusson and Colonel Trant were alone sufficient to have dislodged the enemy, who must instantly have retired on their appearance. It is indeed difficult to conceive, he says, how Sir Arthur Wellesley, the reinforcement of whose army depended on contingencies beyond his control, with a force barely equal to make head against the combined army of his opponents, should, in such circumstances, have been so rashly lavish of the lives of his soldiers. They were brought into action with every possible disadvantage, and fought for an object which a skilful general could unquestionably have obtained without bloodshed. Probably, Sir Arthur Wellesley was unprepared for the obstinate and vigorous resistance which the enemy opposed to the columns of Hill and Nightingale; and that his object was to press Delaborde in his retreat more closely than could otherwise be done. But he suffered for his temerity.

The British army, on the 19th, moved on to Vimiero, having been joined by a reinforcement under General Auckland, and by the brigade of General Anstruther; so that it now amounted to 16,000 fighting men, with eighteen pieces of artillery, exclusive of Trant's Portuguese and of ten British regiments, under General Beresford, which were with the fleet at the mouth of the Tagus. Sir Arthur, estimating Junot's whole force at 18,000 men, judged that, after providing for the security of Lisbon, the French general could not bring more than 14,000 into the field. It was known at head-quarters, that a junction had taken place between the corps of Delaborde, defeated at Roliça, and that of Loison, on the 18th, and that their united force was con centrated in position at Torres Vedras. That position was understood

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to be accessible only by a long and difficult defile-and the enemy sent forward patrols of cavalry into the neighbourhood of the British army, which was too weak in that arm to offer effectual opposition to such movements. Under these circum. stances, Sir Arthur had formed the resolution of advancing rapidly along the coast-road to Mafra, and thus turning the position of Torres Vedras. Our author enters into an inquiry into the merits of this scheme, which he thinks was founded on sound data, and that, had it been carried into execution, the acquisition of Lisbon might have been effected with smaller loss, and with circumstances more honourable to our arms, than by the more timid policy which led to the Convention of Cintra. Colonel Napier, too, speaks highly of this scheme. Sir Arthur possessed very exact military surveys of the country, through which lay a road leading between the sea-coast and Torres Vedras, and which, turning Junot's position, opened a way to Mafra. He had projected, by a forced march, says that able writer, on the 21st, to turn the position of Torres Vedras, and to gain Mafra with a strong advanced guard, while the main-body, seizing some advantageous heights a few miles short of that town, would be in a position to intercept the French line of march to Montachique. The army was reorganised during the 20th' in eight brigades of infantry, and four weak squadrons of cavalry, and every preparation was made for the next day's enterprise. "But at that critical period of the campaign," says the Colonel, in his usual strong style, "the ministerial arrangements, which provided three Commanders-in-Chief, began

to

work." On the evening of the 20th, a frigate, on board of which was Sir Harry Burrard, arrived in Marceira Bay. Sir Arthur, thus suddenly superseded in command, lost no time in reporting to that officer the situation and circumstances of the army, and the plan of operations which it had been his intention to pursue. Of the latter Sir Harry Burrard expressed his disapprobation. He directed the cessation of any active movements until the army should have been still farther increased by the arrival of Sir John Moore, which

might have been expected in a few days. Sir Arthur tried to convince him that the corps of Sir John Moore would more beneficially contribute tothe common cause by marching on Santarem, and thus narrowing and obstructing the communication and retreat of the French army, than by uniting itself to a force already fully adequate to all the purpose it was intended to effect. But, to use a somewhat figurative expression, not unsuitable to the character of Sir Harry-Sir Arthur might just as well "have sung psalms to a dead horse.' Our author is very tender on Sir Harry Burrard-saying, "that he will probably be considered to have decided wrong-yet he unquestionably decided to the best of his judgment." We are not sure of that-for he was jealous of Sir Arthur-and petty feelings so blinded the little mole eyed judgment he possessed, that he could not see a yard beyond his snout. Besides, bating the blindness brought on by petty and paltry feelings, all men act to the best of their judgment on all occasions; and if they act absurdly, ignorantly, or timidly, they must bear the odium belonging to such conduct. "Fault," says our author, "can, therefore, be attributed only to those [not only, say we] who sacrificed the interest of their country, by placing a man of narrow capacity, yet of honest intention, in a situation for which he was manifestly unfit. That officers of such acknowledged talent and pretensions, as Sir John Moore and Sir Arthur Wellesley, should have been superseded in command by Sir Hew Dalrymple and Sir Harry Burrard, is a tolerably convincing proof, that the selection of military leaders was, in those days, regulated by principles very different from that of detur digniori." But though Sir Harry had ordered a cessation of hostilities on the part of Sir Arthur Wellesley, he had not laid Junot under any such restrictions; and, accordingly, at midnight of the 21st, Sir Arthur was aroused by a German officer of dragoons, (so Napier tells us,) who gallopped into camp, and with some consternation reported that Junot, at the head of 20,000 men, was coming on to the attack, and distant but one hour's march. Sir Arthur visited the advanced posts, but could discern

no sign of an approaching enemy. About four o'clock, however, a cloud of dust was observed in the extremity of the horizon, slowly moving towards the position of the British; and at eight o'clock, a strong body of the enemy's cavalry was observed on the heights, to the southward. In a short time, a strong column of infantry appeared on the road from Torres Vedras to Lourinha; and it became evident, that a general engagement was on the eve of taking place between the armies. The battle of Vimiero has been described by Southey and Napier, yet our author's picture of it may bear comparison with that of either, and is certainly far superior to that from the pen of the Marquis of Londonderry,-though it too is spirited and martial.

"The village of Vimiero stands in a valley watered by the little rivulet Maceira, at the eastern extremity of a high mountainous range, which extends westward to the sea. In front of the village is a hill of inferior altitude, terminating in a plateau of considerable extent, and commanded from several points. On the left is another strong ridge of heights, stretching to the eastward, and terminating on the right in a deep ravine. Over these heights passes the road to Lourinha, through the villages of Fontanel and Ventoso.

"Such were the more prominent features of the ground. It was thus occupied by Sir Arthur Wellesley: Six brigades were stationed on the mountain to the westward of the village. The advanced guard, under General Fane, and the brigade of General Anstruther, with six pieces of artillery, occupied the plateau. The cavalry, and reserve of artillery, were posted in the valley, between the heights, ready to support the troops on the plateau, should that part of the position be attacked. The Lourinha road was guarded by the Portuguese troops and a small body of riflemen. The ground having been taken up on the previous evening, rather with a view to temporary convenience than military defence, a piquet only had been stationed on the ridge to the westward. As it was obvious, however, from the enemy's demonstrations, that the left and centre were about to become the chief theatres of conflict, the brigades of Generals Ferguson, Nightingale, Acland, and Bowles, were successively moved from the mountain on the west to the heights on the Lourinha road, in order to strengthen what was evidently the most vulnerable part of the position.

"At nine o'clock the action commenced. Marshal Junot had formed his army in two divisions. The first of these, consisting of about six thousand men, was commanded by General Delaborde. The se

amount.

cond, under Loison, was nearly equal in The reserve, composed of four battalions of grenadiers, was commanded by General Kellerman, and acted as a connecting link between the two principal divisions. The cavalry, under General Marganon, was stationed partly on the rear of the reserve, and partly on the right of Delaborde's division.

"The two divisions continued their advance across the rough and wooded country in front of the position, towards the plateau in the centre. On approaching the scene of action, however, each division separated into several minor columns, which commenced nearly simultaneous attacks on different portions of the British line. The most vehement was that headed by Delaborde in person, who first came in contact with the brigade of General Anstruther, which occupied the left of the plateau, and the village of Vimiero. During its advance, this body was exposed to a destructive fire of artillery, which it bore with great steadiness and gallantry, and rapidly forced back the skirmishers who had been stationed in the woods on either flank. A check, however, was soon given to the progress of the assailants, who, having reached the summit of the plateau, were met by a destructive volley from the fiftieth regiment, which afterwards rushed on to the charge, and drove them in confusion, and with great slaughter, down the face of the hill. The attack on General Fane's brigade was no less decisively repulsed; and a regiment, which was advancing on the village by the church, was opportunely attacked in flank by the brigade of General Acland, then moving to its position on the heights. A most gallant charge, by the small body of cavalry led by Colonel Taylor, completed the discomfiture of the enemy in this quarter. They fled in utter confusion, and were vigorously pursued by Colonel Taylor and his squadron for nearly two miles; when General Margaron, who commanded the French cavalry, observing the small number of the assailants, advanced to the charge; and the remnant of this brave band were compelled to retreat, with the loss of their leader. General Kellerman, having rallied the fugitives, made a last effort with the reserve to retrieve the fortunes of the day. A column, strongly supported by artillery, was again sent for ward to gain possession of the village of Vimiero. In advancing by the road, it

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