SO

than one female in fifteen who was married, until "they were ready to tumble to pieces!!" In the Morning Herald of October 17th last, I find it stated, that, in the parish of St Nicholas, Worcestershire, containing 500 souls, there is neither church nor clergyman," the people in conse quence, are wandering in the most deplorable ignorance, both in respect to moral and religious truth;' much so, that " many of the inhabit ants, from never having received a Christian name in baptism, derive their pronomen from an accidental form of person, as Dumpy Wallis, or are named after some of the nobility or royal family, as, Lord Harvey, Duke of York," &c. And of the manner in which the Sabbath, about the disrespect for which so much has been written, and such condemnation has been launched against the West Indies, is observed in the British metropolis, I adduce the following quotation from "The Record" newspaper, 26th October, 1829, thus:

"Many of our readers would observe, that at the late alarming fire at Manchester, which destroyed property to the value of £25,000 to £30,000, and which occurred on a Monday morning, it was stated that all the workmen had been at work in the extensive premises during the whole of the preceding day-Sunday. They would likewise observe it stated in all the public prints, that so solicitous were the functionaries not to disappoint the public with regard to the exact day on which the new post-office was expected to open, that all the workmen were labour ing during the whole of the Sabbath, and this too in a Government building. And looking at the general profanation in London of the day of rest, what do we behold? All the gin shops open; and, as one is going to church, such herds of drunken debauchees issuing from the pestiferous dens, as to fill the mind with the deepest feelings of mingled pity, disgust, and in

dignation. Butchers and bakers, cheese

mongers and pastry-cooks, and even shoemakers and hatters, are to be seen all busy -buying and selling, trafficking and cheating, on the Sabbath. We lately saw a set of fellows very quietly trying on new shoes in a regular shoemaker's shop, while the bells for church were ringing all around. In more retired places are to be seen watchmakers and other mechanics quietly pursuing their usual avocations. And to ascend to the higher classes, what unnecessary travelling; what luxurious feast

ing; thousands and tens of thousands of servants, in consequence, instead of resting on the Sabbath, according to the commandment, employed more actively and unintermittingly on that day than on any other, without the slightest occasion.”

ferences; and while such scenes ought I might fill volumes with such re

to make us look more at home and

less abroad than we do, I observe that I should calumniate my country were I to state these descriptions as her general state and her general character. Why, my Lord Duke, should a system, which every Briton dignation if applied by any foreigner would reprobate with the deepest into his country, be applied by Englishmen with applause against their fellow subjects in the West Indies? The course pursued is wrong, disgraceful, sinful, and must be abandoned. and dangerous. It is shameful-it is

Every thing, however, that is unworthy of the character of men, every thing that is false, calumnious, danger ous, ungenerous, and base, is, it would appear, allowable when directed against our ill-fated colonies. It has already been seen in the case of the Westminster Review, that men may inculcate treason, and teach, that in the colonies, murder and massacre are praiseworthy deeds, while the British government either dare not or do not punish such desperate profligacy. Nor is this case the only one where the British government have been libelled, insulted, braved, and defied by the Anti-colonists without a whisper being uttered against them. The persecutions which these men have raised against that honest servant of his country, Sir ROBERT FARQUHAR, lately governor of Mauritius, are well known, and, while unpunished, stand a stigma upon our Govern ment and our Legislature. The following atrocious charges not only went to murder his character, but, if they had been true, the character also him. They are stated of the government which employed among others in that lying publication called the Anti-Slavery Reporter for January or February last, and are to the following effect. A Frenchman in the Mauri❤ tius, who, after exercising great cruel ty upon his slave, set pigs to eat his privy parts, in consequence of which he died, was tried for the offence, and condemned to be executed. On the

my Lord Duke, for such a course of proceeding is not difficult to find out by those who know the political influence of the authors of the AntiSlavery Reporter. But the inhabitants of the Mauritius-the authorities in that country, there is some reason to believe, will not remain under the stigma, nor be guided by such timid counsels.

night, however, previous to his execution, he effected his escape, (connived at, as insinuated,) and after an absence of several months, returned to the island during the government of Sir Robert Farquhar, where he remains, and was suffered to remain unmolested! Another charge was, that during his government, a Frenchwoman had, by some act of cruelty, occasioned the death of a female slave, and for which she was tried; but, as was customary, acquitted, notwithstanding the certainty of her guilt. Such were the charges made. The Reporters containing them were sent to Sir Robert Farquhar by the Colonial Office. The result I proceed to state. Sir Robert Farquhar went immediately to the Colonial Office. He made them draw out from their Stephensonian pigeon-holes his own dispatches relating to these subjects, and which, as concerned the first case, shewed that the man, on the night previous to the day when he was to be executed, tore up a pair of nankeen pantaloons, and made a rope therewith, with which he strangled himself. The dispatch was also accompanied by the full report of the coroner,and the evidence given before the Coroner's Jury, called to sit upon the body immediately after the suicide!! As concerns the next charge, the dispatch shewed that the woman in question had been tried, and escaped death owing to the want of the evidence of a free person against her; but that she had been sentenced to be imprisoned for life; and was actually undergoing her sentence, which was all the punishment that the law, the Code de Napoleon, the law of the colony, permitted to be inflicted upon her!

My Lord Duke, if such false charges are not libels against our country and against the government of our country, the word libel must be without a meaning. The government which could pass by such charges made against Sir Robert Farquhar, had these charges been true, deserves to have been impeached; and this being the case, that government ought to have punished the authors of such atrocious charges against the accredited servant of a British king. They not only decline to do so themselves, but they dissuade Sir Robert Farquhar from doing it. The reason,

While such accusations escape with impunity, honour, truth, and justice must be altogether banished from the government of our colonies, and canting governors, or Jesuitical judges, who can obtain and retain their places by Anti-slavery influence, may rob, oppress, and calumniate the ill-fated British subjects who are subjected to their sway and their judgment, not only with impunity but with applause -the Anti-Slavery Reporters have only to condemn or to praise, as they choose, and the government of Eng land must, it would appear, judging from the past, succumb to their authority. Awake, my Lord Duke, from your slumber-cast a glance from your keen-sighted eye across the ocean, into every British colony, and you will relieve the honest from the grasp of the hypocrite, and the clutches of the knave; and by doing so you will preserve to your country those possessions which Napoleon fought to conquer, and which you successfully combated through triumphs unrivalled to preserve. Without such immediate interference, the whole will be overwhelmed with ruin.

The fierce, the unjust, and the ungenerous attack which Mr Brougham, by command of his Anti-colonial prompters, made upon the Lord Bishop of Jamaica, is not forgotten in the British House of Commons. The British nation required that the British ministers should have defended, as they ought to have defended, the one, and to have silenced the other. It was left to other hands. The Bishop complained of the attack to the Marquis of Cleveland. Mr Brougham was called-Mr Brougham was admonished-Mr Brougham promised, and Mr Brougham has been silent!

In following out my subject, it here becomes necessary to state, and in the most pointed manner, that the circumstances which I am about to bring forward, have come to my knowledge from no violation of any

official confidence, and by no communication with, or from, any individual or individuals, who are, or who ever were, connected with his Majesty's government. I state this, lest innocent men should be, as there is some reason to believe they have been in other instances, blamed. Moreover, as it is necessary to guard against any misconstruction of my object, so it is also proper to state that it is against no individual member of his Majesty's government that censure is applied. Where any of these are named, they are only alluded to in their official capacity, and as the organs of the government, and of that system which the nation, for I am told it is the nation, has thought proper to organize against her colonial possessions. For the private character of the responsible members of his Majesty's government, more especially of those at present more immediately connected with the colonies, I have every respect. They merely perform the duty which the nation requires of them, and the blame, where blame rests, is directed against the nation, and the organs of the nation, not against the individuals.

With these observations I proceed to state, that the pernicious anti-colonial influence extends everywhere, and to everything in the empire. It never rests till it obtains the ascendency. The power and influence of the party with the executive government of the country have hitherto been as incredible as these have been reprehensible. Take, for example, the choice and the promotion of Mr John Stephen and Ĉolonel Arthur to the offices which they at present hold. The former individual, brother to Mr James Stephen, the Master in Chancery, was formerly an inhabitant of the British Slave Colony of St Kitt's, and previous to the commencement of the emancipation cry, was the owner of slaves and an estate in Trinidad, which he sold to a merchant in Glasgow. In 1825, a Supreme Court was established in New South Wales, consisting of one judge; an attorney-general was appointed; and soon after a solicitor-general in the person of Mr John Stephen. In a few months after, a judge for a Court of Requests was commissioned in the person of Mr J. Stephen, and within two years, a second judge of the Su

preme Court in the same person. As vacancies occurred, or as places were: created, how properly I stop not to enquire, the brother of Mr James Stephen, who is the brother-in-law of Mr Wilberforce, was, of course, always found to be the best qualified to fill these, his salary advancing accordingly, commencing with L.600, then L.800, as a judge of the Court of Requests; then L. 1000, then L. 1500 as second judge of the Supreme Court, and now L.2000 for the same office. With these facts before us, my Lord Duke, it may be asked, has either your Grace or Sir George Murray seen and perused the letters from Governor Darling, and the remonstrances from other quarters, which, during the last two years, have been addressed to the Colonial Department regarding the judge in question? If so, how will that department answer to the country if any independent member of parliament call for these documents, as I hope they will be called for, and find that no notice has been taken of them, nor any enquiry made in consequence?

With regard to the appointment of Colonel Arthur to his present government, Van Diemen's Land, his conduct to that gallant officer, ColonelBradley, and his conduct and doubledealing to the inhabitants of Honduras, are well known; and notwithstanding the petulance of Lord Palmerston, and the errors committed by, the member for Aberdeen in conducting the case, the facts cannot be altered in the minds of those who are acquainted with the parties and with Honduras. Colonel Arthur merited no promotion. When his appointment to Van Diemen's Land became known, a gentleman expressed his astonishment thereat to Mr Horton, then Under Secretary of State. What can we do?-Mr Wilberforce has made it a sine qua non-it must bewe cannot help ourselves, was the reply which silenced further remark or observation! After this, is it surprising that our Colonies should have calumniators, and that these calumniators can, supported by POWER, even BEARD the Government itself?

Ever on the watch to serve its servants, this influence planted as judge in Van Diemen's Land Mr Wyld, brother to Sergeant Wyld of Caroline and Newark celebrity. His salary

was L.1200 per annum. At the remonstrances of the people, by the report of a Commissioner of Enquiry, and from what, as Mr Horton expressed himself, the Government itself saw in his communications, he was brought from Van Diemen's Land, Employment in Great Britain is not easily obtained. A new system of judicature was recommended for the Cape of Good Hope. The same influence, through Mr Brougham, got Mr Wyld the situation of judge, with a salary of L.3000 per annum; and the same Commissioner, who had recommended his recall from an inferior place, had the pleasure, while engaged in a similar Commission at the Cape, to meet his former acquaintance in a much higher and more difficult station at the latter place!

The case of Lecesne and Escoffery in all its parts, is another and still more striking instance of anti-colonial influence in high places in this country. In this case, Government have not only suffered themselves to be intimidated, but to be misled. These two men were men of colour, who had been deported under the alien law by his Grace the Duke of Manchester when Governor of Jamaica, from that island to Hayti, because they had been "reported" to him "by the magistrates and police of Kingston as persons of a dangerous description.' (Letter to Earl Bathurst, 12th January, 1824.) In the face, however, of this, in the face of the report made on their case by the Legislature of Jamaica, and in face of the evidence brought forward and transmitted to Great Britain to confirm the necessity of the measurein the teeth of the affidavits produced by themselves in defence that they were born in Jamaica, the British Government, from other evidence judged by them to be more entitled to credit, have decided that they were born in Hayti, but still entitled to damages for being deported from Jamaica as aliens, because though born in Hayti, they were born when some parts of that island were in possession of the British. It is hardly necessary to observe, that their deportation from Jamaica took place on the eve of the late rebellion in that island.

The damages which they claim, and which that great dupe, John Bull,

has to pay, are, as I am informed, making up at this moment at the British Treasury, aided by one of their Jamaica friends; and these damages are estimated at £14,000 sterling, the amount, according to a paragraph inserted in the Morning Chronicle and Observer newspapers of last November 13 and 14; being estimated by the profits which Lecesne states he made by his trade, as a maker of noyeau in Kingston, namely, £2200 sterling per annum! From such damages, Mr George Stephen, their law agent, will, no doubt, get his bill paid; but, my Lord Duke, I would humbly suggest, that before such sums as these are taken for such a purpose from the heavy imposts collected from this suffering nation-taken to compensate men whom a British nobleman, the representative of a British king, considered it necessary, for the safety of the colony placed under his com mand, to deport from that colony, that the representatives of the British people, who raise the funds, and which representatives are the proper judges and checks in the application of the public money, should see the evidence upon which these men's claims are grounded-see all the correspondence in the originals thereof which has been lodged in the Colonial Office regarding these men and their conduct, before your Grace, as First Lord of the Treasury, issues any cash from that treasury to give to them; and, in a special manner, see that correspondence written from Hayti by Mr MacKenzie, the British Consul there, to the government of Jamaica, concerning them; and when these things are done-when these are looked into, it will then be seen what member, or what Minister, will call for a vote for that sum, or of any sum of British money for such a purpose. These matters, my Lord Duke, whatever you may hear to the contrary, are worthy of your personal enquiry and attention. Justice can neither be done to the country, nor to Lecesne, nor to Escoffery, without it. If they have been wronged, let their compensations be ample; but let those who pay the money be the judges, in order to ascertain if it is justly obtained, and rightly applied; and, if they have not been wronged, why should they receive our money?

To extend anti-colonial influence,