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in promoting the harmony and consolidating the interests of the colonies, and in finally securing to them their independence. The house of burgesses in Virginia,' says Mr. Wirt, had the merit of originating that powerful engine of resistance. He adds in a note,

The state of Massachusetts is entitled to equal honour ;-the measures were so nearly coeval in the two states, as to render it impossible, that either could have borrowed it from the other. The inessengers, who bore the propositions from the two states, are said to have crossed each other on the way. This is Mr. Jefferson's account of it, and Mrs. Warren, in her very interesting history of the revolution, admits, that the measure was original on the part of Virginia. p. 87.

This whole statement is quite erroneous. The truth is, the plan originated in Boston more than four months before it was meditated in Virginia. It was devised by Mr. Samuel Adams, and Mr. James Warren of Plymouth, (Gordon, i. 312,) and the first committee was appointed on the motion of Mr. Adams, at a town meeting, held November 2d, 1772. The committee consisted of twenty members, who were instructed,

To state the rights of the colonists, and of this province in particular, as men. as christians, and as subjects; to communicate and publish the same to the several towns in this province and to the world, as the sense of this town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been, and from time to time may be made ;also requesting of each town a free communication of its sentiments on this subject. Boston Town Records, as quoted in Dr. Holmes' Annals, ii. 300.

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The committee made a report on the 19th of the same month, which closes by the following exhortation to the people. Let us convince every invader of our freedom, that we will be as free, as the constitution our fathers recognized will justify.' Gordon, speaking of this event, says. the principal actors are determined upon securing the liberties of their country, or perishing in the attempt. (i. 314.) The plan of correspondence, proposed by the Virginia legislature in the March following, was founded on precisely the same principles, and for the same purposes, as the one previously adopted in Boston, the former was merely an extension of the latter. Where the merit of originating' lies, then, on the part of Virginia,

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we confess ourselves unable to discover. Mr. Jefferson must also have been mistaken, in his account of the messengers. crossing each other; for the Massachusetts Legislature were not in session when the resolutions for adopting this plan were passed in Virginia, nor did they convene till more than two months afterward. They were already informed of the proceedings in Virginia, and one of their first acts was (May 28) to approve, in terms of high praise, the extension of the system of correspondence proposed by the house of burgesses, and to appoint a committee of cooperation. (Gordon, i. 327.) Moreover, we are not much pleased with the manner in which the author brings forward Mrs. Warren's testimony in support of his position. After speaking of the plan devised by Mr. Adams and Mr. Warren, she observes, the general impulse at this time seemed to operate by sympathy;-thus it appeared afterwards that the vigilant inhabitants of Virginia had concerted a similar plan about the same period.' (i. 110.) Although this passage proves the author to have been mistaken, it falls far short of admitting the measure to have been original on the part of Virginia.' From these statements the inference is undeniable, that the admirable scheme of corresponding committees originated in Massachusetts, and was carried into operation there, so far as to prove effectually the success of such an experiment, several months before it was proposed in Virginia. We are the more surprised, that Mr. Wirt should fall into such an errour, and dwell so much on it, since Marshall, in his Life of Washington, (ii. 139.) seems to have had just views of the subject.

Mr. Henry continued an active member of the house of burgesses till the first session of the old continental congress. He was one of the delegates from Virginia to that congress. His biographer gives an animated picture of his first appearance there-of the speech he made, and the effects it produced. He was the first speaker, it seems, who arose on the floor of the American congress; - the theme on which he dwelt-namely, the oppressions of England, and the sufferings of the colonies-was so popular, and so exactly adapted to his peculiar talents as an orator, that he is said to have filled all present with astonishment. But this, as it soon appeared, was only splendid declamation-calculated to give a momentary thrill to the feelings of his hearers, but not to lead them to new truths, to correct the decisions of their understandings, or to fix impressions, which should guide

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them in their future opinions and counsels. We must allow Mr. Wirt's fairness in this instance, as well as in many others, in showing the failure, as well as the success of his hero. He has every where given a high colouring to the better parts of his character, and sometimes drawn the thread of extenuation rather too fine, but he never discovers a disposition to conceal his faults, or his ill success. His bold and splendid speech had drawn on him the notice of the house, and he was appointed one of the committee for drafting a petition to the king. The task devolved on him-but when the draft was read to the house, every countenance fell with disappointment. It was recommitted for amendment, and finally passed over. Another was prepared by Mr. John Dickinson, author of the celebrated Farmer's Letters, which was adopted.

On this occasion Mr. Wirt falls into a train of reflections, which contain much good sense, and are clothed in a style of composition more chastened, than is usually met with in other parts of the book.

It is a trite remark, that the talents for speaking and for writing eminently, are very rarely found united in the same individual; and the rarity of the occurrence has led to an opinion, that those talents depend on constitutions of mind so widely different, as to render their union almost wholly unattainable. This was not the opinion however, it is believed, at Athens and at Rome; it cannot, I apprehend, be the opinion, either, in the united kingdom of Great Britain. There have been, indeed, in these countries distinguished orators, who have not left behind them any proofs of their eminence in composition; but neither have they left behind them any proofs of their failure in this respect; so that the conclusion of their incompetency is rather assumed than established. On the other hand, there have been, in all those countries, too many illustrious examples of the union of those talents, to justify the belief of their incongruity by any general law of

nature.

That there have been many eminent writers who, from physical defects, could never have become orators, is very certain; but is the converse of the proposition equally true? Was there ever an eminent orator who might not, by proper discipline, have become, also, a very eminent writer er? ? What are the essential qualities of the orator? Are they not judgment, invention, imagination, sensibility, taste and expression, or the command of strong and appropriate language ? If these be the qualities of the orator, it is very easy to understand how they may be improved by the discipline of the closet; but not so easy to comprehend how they can possibly be injured by it. Is there any danger that this discipline will tame too much the fiery spirit, the enchanting wildness and magnificent irregularity of the orator's genius? The example of Demosthenes alone, is a sufficient answer to this question; and the reader will, at once, recal numerous other examples, corroborative of the same truth, both in ancient and modern times. The truth seems to be, that this rare union of talents results not from any incongruity in their nature, but from defective education, taking this word in its larger, Roman sense. If the genius of the orator has been properly trained in his youth to both pursuits, instead of being injured, it will, I apprehend, be found to derive additional grace, beauty, and even sublimity, from the discipline. His flights will be at least as bold-they will be better sustainedand whether he chooses to descend in majestic circles, or to stoop on headlong wing, his performance will not be the worse for having been taught to fly.

For Mr. Henry and for the world, it happened unfortunately, that instead of the advantage of this Roman education, of which we have spoken, the years of his youth had been wasted in idleness. He had become celebrated as an orator before he had learned to compose; and it is not therefore wonderful, that when withdrawn from the kindling presence of the crowd, he was called upon for the first time to take the pen, all the spirit and flame of his genius were extinguished." pp. 109-111.

Soon after the rising of congress, the Virginia convention met, for the second time, at Richmond. Mr. Henry distinguished himself in this convention by introducing a series of spirited resolutions, proposing to organize the militia and the colony in a state of defence. They were conceived in terms so strong, as to alarm even some of the warmest advocates for colonial resistance, they were opposed from every quarter, and to support them demanded the full exercise of all his powers. The speech he made on this occasion, as quoted by Mr. Writ, is vastly the best specimen of eloquence, which we have seen among the pieces attributed to him. The extract, which we make, shows, in decided marks, the character of the whole.

'He had,' he said, but one lamp by which his feet were guided; and that was the lamp of experience. He knew of no way of judging of the future, but by the past. And judging by the past, he wished to know what there had been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen had been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received ? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land ? Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation ? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation-the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission ? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir; she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject ? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication ? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted ? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned-we have remonstrated-we have supplicated-we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestible privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight!-I repeat it, sir, we must fight!! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!" pp. 120-122.

An event happened about this time, which brought Mr. Henry forward in another point of view. The gunpowder in the magazine at Williamsburgh had been secretly withdrawn,

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