tried concerning the projected admission of American ships and oil, and the unanimous voice was found to be decidedly pronounced against it. This, however, was, presume, upon the presumption that the Americans could never unite in retaliation; that it would be many years before they could act as a nation, and that the United States, could never make a navigation act. This is the principle upon which this nation after the peace, decided its judgment concerning the system that ought to be adopted relatively to the United States. In conference with Mr Pitt, I made this remark to him, I told him that since I had been in England, I had made it my business to collect and read every thing which had been written and published since the peace, upon the commercial relations between Great Britain and the United States. That I found every one of these writers, who was for limiting and restraining the American commerce by prohibitions, alien duties, &c. laid it down as the fundamental principle of his system, that in all events this country was sure of the American commerce, because we could not unite and act as a nation in any retaliating prohibitions or duties. This idea had been first suggested to Lord Sheffield by some of the American refugees, and had been communicated to the nation by him and other writers, who took it from him without sufficient examination. I ventured to give Mr Pitt my opinions in very full terms, that this principle would be found to be an erroneous one by experience, that time would shew that the English nation had been misled in its judgment by this suggestion, which they had been too prone to believe, but might find to be an error when it would be too late. It is, however, by no means certain that the clearest refutation of that error, by the utmost unanimity in America, in any measures to defend their navigation, would now alter the public voice and public opinion here. The public is not to be easily reasoned out of a settled opinion, though it might have been easy, in the season of it, to have reasoned it into the settlement of a different opinion. The papers are now filled with paragraphs, which an attentive reader may perceive are inserted, in order to out the sentiments of the people concerning a treaty of commerce with France, with Spain, with America, concerning the new Hanoverian engagements in Germany, and concerning the posts, negroes, debts, tories and all other points in dispute with the United States; they are disguised in such a manner, that it is scarcely possible to discover how the Minister inclines; nevertheless, some of them are in such a strain, and discover such and anxiety about the treaties of commerce in negociation with France and Spain, that I suspected they (the Ministry) have made some propositions to those Courts, and are anxious both to know whether they will be accredited or not, and how they will be received by the British and Irish nations, if they should be accepted; a few months time will remove their and our solicitude upon this head. I have the honor to be, &c. 64. From John Adams to John Jay. JOHN ADAMS. Audience of leave of his Majesty.-Address to the King.-Reply of his Majesty. Grosvenor Square, February 21, 1788. Dear Sir, Yesterday I had my audience of leave to his Majesty. I shall not trouble you with any particulars, of the previous steps to obtain this audience (which you know are always troublesome enough) nor with any detail of the conversation, farther than the public is imme diately interested in it. The substance of my address to his Majesty was no more than a renewal of assurances in behalf of the United States, of their friendly dispositions, and of their continued desire to cultivate a liberal intercourse of commerce, and good offices with his Majesty's subjects and States, thanks for the protection and civilities of his court, and good wishes of prosperity to his Majesty, his royal family, his subjects and dominions. The King's answer to me, was in these words: "Mr Adams, you may with great truth assure the United States that whenever they shall fulfil the treaty, on their part, I, on my part, will fulfil it in all its particulars. As to yourself, I am sure I wish you a safe and pleasant voyage, and much comfort with your family and friends." This was the answer in ceremony. His Majesty was then pleased to ask me many questions about myself and my family, how long I had been absent from them, &c. which were intended, I suppose to be very gracious and flattering, but were of no consequence to the public, and, therefore, will be here omitted. It now remains to take leave of the Queen and the Princesses, the cabinet Ministers, and corps diplomatique, a species of slavery, more of which I believe has fallen to my share, than ever happened before to a son of liberty; and I much fear, that the omission of a letter of recall, and the offence taken at it in Holland, will oblige me to go over to the Hague to repeat the same tedious ceremonies there. At this season of the year, so near the equinox, to have the passage from Harwich to Helvoet to cross twice, is a punishment for sins to me unknown. With much affection, &c. 65. From James Duane to John Jay. JOHN ADAMS. Encloses a copy of the judgment against Wessels, for violation of the privileges of a Minister Plenipotentiary. New-York, Office of Mayoralty, August 8, 1788. Sir, I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the judgement, this day pronounced by the court against Wessels, a constable, for the violation of the privileges of his Excellency Mr Van Berckel, Minister Plenipotentiary of their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Netherlands, at this Court. He accordingly stands committed to the common jail. I have the honor to be, &c. JAMES DUANE. City and County of New-York, ss. At a court of general sessions of the peace, holden at the City Hall, in and for the city and county of New-York, before James Duane, Esquire, Mayor; Richard Varick, Esquire, recorder; and William W. Gilbert, Esquire, Alderman, of the city of New-York, and their associates, justices of the peace of the State of New-York, assigned to keep the peace within the said city and county, on Friday the 8th day of August, 1788. The people of the State of New-York versus John Wessels. The defendant, having at the last sessions been indicted for assaulting and falsely imprisoning James Van Antwerp, a servant of his Excellency the Minister of the United Netherlands, contrary to the law of nations and the privileges of Ambassadors, and the defendant having then plead thereto not guilty, comes now into court and prays leave to retract his plea, pleads guilty, and submits to the mercy of the court.— Whereupon it is ordered that he be committed to the common jail of this city and county, there to remain for the space of three calendar months. Extract from the minutes. ROBERT BENSON, Clerk. 66. From John Jay to P. J. Van Berckel. Exemplary punishment of Wessels. Office for Foreign Affairs, Aug. 8th 1788. Sir, the paper herewith enclosed was this moment transmitted to me by the Mayor of the City. You will perceive from it, that the constable who violated your privileges, has been subject to exemplary punishment. It is the more severe upon him, as he is in indigent circumstances, and has a family dependent on him. I flatter myself that the conduct of the court on this occasion will meet with your approbation: and as there is reason to expect, as the nature and extent of the privileges in question will in future be better known, that due respect will uniformly be paid to them. With great respect and consideration, &c. 67. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. JOHN JAY. Extract. Letter received from a Brazilian on the emancipation of his country. Marseilles, May 4, 1787. Sir, My journey in this part of the country, has procured me information which I will take the liberty of communicating to Congress. In October last I received a letter dated Montpelier, October 2nd, 1786, announcing to me that the writter was a foreigner, who had a matter of very great consequence to communicate to me, and desired I would indicate the channel through which it might pass safely. I did so. I received, soon after, a letter in the following words, omitting only the formal parts: "I am a Brazilian, and you know that my unhappy country groans under a most dreadful slavery, which becomes more intolerable since the era of your glorious independence—the barbarous Portuguese sparing nothing to make us unhappy for fear that we should follow your steps. And as we know that these usurpers against the law of nature and of humanity, have no other thoughts than of crushing us, we are determined to follow the striking example which you have given us; and consequently to break our chains, and to bring to life liberty, which is now dead and oppressed by physical force, which is the only power Europeans have over America. But as Spain will not fail to join Portugal, it is necessary that a nation should join us. And notwithstanding the advantages we have for defence, we cannot do it, or at least it would not be prudent for us to run any hazard, without being sure of success. Your nation, sir, is, we think, that which should most suitably assist us, because it is her that has given us the example; and also, because nature has made us inhabitants of the same continent, and has consequently constituted us, in some sort, countrymen. We are ready, on our part, to furnish all the funds that may be necessary, and show, at all times, our gratitude towards our benefactors. This is the substance of my intentions, and it is to fulfil this commission, that I am now in France, as I could not do it in America without exciting some suspicions. It is for you to judge if they can be realized. And in case you should wish to consult your nation on the subject, I am enabled to give all the information that you may think necessary. “Montpelier, 21 Nov." I have the honor to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. 68. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. Arrest of Mr. Barclay, American Consul, for debt, and liberation by the Parliament of Bourdeaux. Conversation with the Minister on the subject. Paris, June 21, 1787. Sir, Mr. Barclay has probably informed you of his having been arrested in Bourdeaux, for a debt contracted in the way of his commerce; he immediately applied to the parliament of that place, who ordered his discharge, this took place after five days actual imprisonment. I arrived at Bourdeaux a few days after his liberation; as the Procureur General of the King had interested him self to obtain it, with uncommon zeal, and that too on public principles, I thought it my duty to wait on him, and return him thanks; I did the same to the President of the Parliment, for the body over which he presided. What would have been an insult in America, being an indispensable duty here. You will see by the enclosed printed paper, on what ground the Procureur insisted on Mr. Barclay's liberation; those on which the Parliament ordered it are not expressed. On my arrival here, I spoke with the Minister on the subject; he observed, that the character of Consul is no protection in this country against process for debt; that, as to the character with which Mr. Barclay had been invested at the Court of Morocco, it was questionable, whether it could be placed on the diplomatic line, as it had not been derived immediately from Congress; that, if it were, it would have covered him to Paris only, where he had received his commission, had he proceeded directly thither, but that his long stay at Bourdeaux, must be considered as terminating it there. I observed to him, that Mr. Barclay had been arrested almost immediatly on his arrival at Bourdeaux, but he says, that arrest was made void by the Parliament, and still he has continued there several weeks; true, I replied, but his adversaries declared they would arrest him again the moment he should be out of the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Bourdeaux,and have actually engaged the Marechaussee on the road, to do it; this seemed to impress him; he said he could obtain a letter of sauf conduit,which would protect him to Paris, but that immediately on his arival here, he would be liable to arrest. I asked him if such a letter could not be obtained to protect him to Paris and back to Bourdeaux, and even to America? He said, that for that, the consent of the greater part of his creditors would be necessary, and even with this, it was very doubtful whether it could be obtained. Still, if I should furnish him with that consent, he would do what should depend on him, I am persuaded he will, and have written to Mr. Barclay to obtain the consent of his creditors, This is the footing on which this matter stands at present. I have the honor to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. Relative to the misconduct of the Count de Moustier. Representation to the Count de Montmorin. Leave of absence will probably be given to M. de Moustier. M. Ternant will be sent over as Charge d'Affaires. Paris, February 4, 1789. Sir, I had before understood, through different channels that the conduct of the Count de Moustier was politically and morally offensive. It was delicate for me to speak on the subject to the Count de Montmorin. The invaluable mediation of our friend, the Marquis de la Fayette, was, therefore, resorted to, and the subject explained, though not pressed. Later intelligence, shewing the necessity of pressing it, it was yesterday resumed, and represented through the same medium, to the Count de Montmorin, that recent information proved to us, that his Minister's conduct had rendered him personally odious in America, and might even influence the dispositions of the two nations; that his recall was become a matter of mutual concern; that we had understood he was instructed to remind the new government of their debt to this country, and he was in the purpose of doing it in very harsh terms; that this could not increase their desire of hastening payment, and might wound their affections; that, therefore, it was much to be desired that his discretion should not be trusted to, as to the form in which the demand should be made, but that the letter should be written here, and he instructed to add nothing, nor was his private conduct omitted. The Count de Montmorin was sensibly impressed. He very readily determined, that the letter should be formed here, but said that the recall was a more difficult business; that as to Moustier they could not recall him from that Ministry, without giving him another, and there was no vacancy at present. However, he would hazard his first thoughts on the subject, saving the right of correcting them by further consideration. They were these, that there was a loose expression in one of de Moustier's letters, which might be construed into a petition for leave of absence; that he would give him permission to return to France; that it had been before decided, on the request of the Marquis de la Luzerne, that Otto should go with him to London; that they would send a person to America as Charge d'Affaires, in place of Otto, and that, if the President (General Washington) approved of him, he should be afterwards made Minister. He had cast his eye on Colonel Ternant, and desired the Marquis to consult me, whether he would be agreeable. At first I hesitated, recollecting to have heard Ternant represented in America, as an hypochondriac, discontented man, and paused for a moment between him and Bartholemy, at London, of whom I have heard a great deal of good. However, I concluded it safer to take one whom we knew and who knew us. The Marquis was decidedly of this opinion. Ternant will see that his predecessor is recalled for unconciliatory deportment, and that he will owe his own promotion to the approbation of the President. He established a solid reputation in Europe, by his conduct when Generalissimo of one of the United Provinces, during their late disturbances; and it is generally thought that if he had been put at the head of the principal province, instead of the Rhingrave de Salm, he would have saved that cause. Upon the whole, I believe you may expect that the Count de Moustier will have an immediate leave of absence, which will soon after become a recall in effect. I will try also, to have the Consuls admonished as to the line of conduct they should observe. I have now that of assuring you of the sentiments of sincere esteem and respect, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. 70. President's Proclamation of Neutrality. Whereas it appears, that a war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands on the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the U. States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers: I have, therefore, thought fit, by these presents, to declare the disposition of the U. States to observe the conduct, aforesaid, towards these powers respectively; and to exhort and warn the citizens of the U. States, carefully to avoid |