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turned a government? Was it concession that lost the Netherlands to Philip? Was it concession that brought Charles I. to the scaffold? No, it was his unfaithful attempt to resume that which he had already con ceded. Was it concession that compelled the second son of that unfortunate Monarch: to abdicate the throne to which the people had restored his family? Was it not rather his obstinate disregard of their wishes, and his withholding of all concession? Was it by concession that we lost America? (Hear, bear.) Was it concession that overturned the old Mouarchy of France? I know that it has been said so. But I am fully persuaded, that if the old nobility of France had done that which I now presume to counsel your Lordships to do (hear, hear); if they had consulted the wishes of the people, and had aided their

that bare majority of two, a sufficient proof that the opinion of the people of England was favourable to that measure. The right hon. "Gentleman's assertion of the change in public opinion was still more borne out by the votes upon the Relief Bill, which he introduced; for, of the representatives of those eighteen counties, twenty-seven voted for, and only nine against the bill. But how do we stand now? Every member for those eighteen counties-has voted for this Bill. Instead of a majority of twenty-seven to nine, we have absolute unanimity. If that be not a proof of the public opinion, I know not what is. (Hear.) On examining the division upon the second reading of this bill in the other House, your Lordships will find that of eighty-two County members, seventy-six voted for, and but six against the bill; being a proportion of more than thirteen to one in favour of Re-King in granting to the people the concessions form. Again, my Lords, the representatives of towns, which are not inserted in either of the schedules A and B of this bill, are 154, and of these only forty-six voted against the bill. But in the schedules A and B things were entirely different. (Hear, hear.) Of the boroughs in schedule B, twenty-six members voted for, and seventy-six against the bill; and of those in schedule A, seventy-eight voted for, and twenty-two against it. Deducting, therefore, from the whole minority of English members against the second reading those who represented the boroughs in the two schedules A and B, who had a direct and personal interest in opposing the measure, there would remain but fifty-two agaiust it. (Hear, hear, hear.) Nor does it stop there. For, besides those boroughs, there are many close corporations, such as Bath and Bristol, in which, although the population is numerous, the franchise is extremely limited. Now, the representatives of all those places had a direct interest in voting against the bill. Now, how does the question stand in respect to those boroughs? Of the forty-six members for boroughs, not in the schedules A and B, who voted against the bill, twenty-four were appointed by a very small number of corporators. Deducting those twenty-four, therefore, and adding to the remaining twenty-two, six county members, you will find that you have only twenty-eight persons having any pretence to be considered the representatives of the opinions of the people of England op-bad policy to be kind, indulgent, and just to posed to the bill. (Hear, hear.) With such a your fellow-subjects; but that it is most improof of public opinion being favourable to politic to delay concession. (Hear, hear.) The the measure, I shall only put it to your Lord, true inference is that if Catholic Emancipation ships-is it expedient to reject it? (Hear.) had been granted twenty or twenty-five years Will you reject it in opposition to so strong before, when all the wisest and most expeand general an expression of public opinion, rienced statesmen of the kingdom recommenaccording, as I think, with the principles of ded it, Ireland would be at this moment one the Constitution and with the best interests of of the most prosperous parts of the empire. the country? But, my Lords, we are told By resisting the reasonable claims of the peo that we must not make concessions, because, ple you rendered their demands more violent. if we once, begin to concede, there will be no You taught them to know their own power, end to the demands. That is an old doctrine, and when they did know it, perhaps they which has led to much mischief in our own were not willing to lay it down when the times. When was it that concessions over-occasion for exercising it had passed away;

which the exigency of the times demanded, the family of that Monarch would never have been driven from the Throne of France. Was it concession that more recently drove Charles the Tenth from the same Throne? Was it not rather the fact, that if he had adhered to the Charter to which he was bound, the people would have been content with the rights which it gave them? I know, my Lords, that some persons make a different application of those facts of history, and say "See, what are the effects of concession; when you offered to the Americans all that they required, they would not accept it." But their refusal is easily explained. The concession was not made in time. You persevered in resisting the reasonable demands of your fellow-subjects, until at length you drove those colonies into the arms of France. No man can lament more than I do the present unsettled state of Ireland; notwithstanding the con cession to the Roman Catholics of those rights of which they had been deprived so long, and the withholding of which I have always considered as impolitic as it was unjust. For the concession they were indebted to the noble Duke opposite; and I repeat that no man can regret more than I do that the concession was not followed by peace and tranquillity, as had been expected. But what is the inference which ought to be drawn from that fact? It is not that the coucession of just claims is had policy. It is not that it is

may be your situation? I say again, do not
flatter yourselves that by introducing a less
efficient measure, you will allay the storm
you will have raised, that you will recover the
ground you will have lost, or
the alienation you will have produced. (Hear,
hear.) I certainly deprecate any thing like a
popular cry; as a citizen of a free state, who
feels that liberty is essentially connected with

overcome

and when at length you did yield to their claims, you accompanied the concession by a most impolitic measure, of which at the time I greatly disapproved, and by which the conciliating effects of your concession were greatly diminished. I say, therefore, my Lords, concede in time-concede graciously, and not grudgingly-make reform an act of justice, not an extorted capitulation. (Cheers.) Con cede in time look into the state of the repre-order, I would resist the slightest approach to sentation, and see whether it is not justly violence; as a Member of the Government, it liable to the objections urged against it is my duty to maintain tranquillity; but as a adopt this measure at once decisive and effec- citizen, as a legislator, as a Member of the tual-remove the cause of complaint, and Government, as a man and as a statesman, I place the fabric of the constitution upon a am, bound to look at the consequences that rock. Again I disclaim the use of any language may eusue from rejecting this bill; and alof menace; but let us remember that the bill though I do not state, as the noble Duke ascomes to us recommended from the King, and serted of his measure, that the rejection of it that it has been sent up to us by an overwhelm- would occasion a civil war-for I trust it will ing majority of all who can be called the real produce no such effect-yet I do say that such representatives of the people in the other House consequences are likely to result as make me of Parliament: recollect that it has been tremble for the condition of my country, and urged forward by innumerable petitions, re- for the security of this House. (Cheers from spectfully worded, and from which have dis- the Opposition benches.) I especially beg the appeared all those topics which formerly gave spiritual portion of your Lordships to pause offence. (Much cheering.) To all those claims and to reflect. (Here Earl Grey turned and for extravagant change, I know no man more addressed himself to the Bench of Bishops.) opposed than I am; but I beg your Lordships The Prelates of the Empire have not a more to consider whether the recommendation of firm or decided friend than I am. I acknow the Crown (cries of Order, from the Opposition | ledge their purity, and I maintain the soundbenches.)- refer to the recommendation in ness of the discipline of the Church of England, the King's Speech. (Cheers from the minis-and I know the general estimation in which terial side.) I cannot imagine that I am not those at the head of our religious establishmeût at liberty to allude to that, for every-body are held in the country; but let me entreat must be aware that the King did recommend them to consider, if this bill should be unfortureform to the consideration of Parliament. Is nately thrown out by any majority, or by a it to be believed, that, through the interven-narrow majority, and that the question should tion of responsible Ministers, that advice did be decided, and the scale turned by their not come from the will of the King? (Cheers, votes, what will be their painful situation? and counter cheers.) But if the introduction (Cheers.) Let me remind them, that they of that point gives the slightest offence, I am have already shown that they can read the willing to abandon it. (Cheers.) Lask, then, signs of the times, and that measures of coumy Lords, with an overwhelming, an irresisti- cession have been brought forward in obeble majority of the real representatives of the dience to those sigus, as all such measures people with that people roused and agitated should be introduced by the leading members from one end of the country to the other, and of their body. They feel that the eyes of the claiming by respectful but decisive petitions nation are upon them, and they ought to feel the restitution of their ancient rights, will you, it. (Hear, hear.) They feel, too, that it is the House of Lords, put yourself in opposition necessary "to put their house in order," in to the national opinion, by rejecting this bill, order to meet the growing expectations out of and thus disappoint expectatious so reasonably doors. (Much cheering.) They must remcmand ardently entertained, and wishes so ber that many important questions are now ju strongly and ananimously expressed? If this agitation, to which a favourable or an unfaHouse do take an attitude of defiance to the vourable direction may be given, as their voice of the whole country-a situation of votes may either ensure success to, or may things. I would fain believe impossible-if it defeat a great political measure, upon which reject this bill even by a great majority of its the national feeling has been so generally Members, or with any-thing approaching and unequivocally expressed. (Cheers.) I not unanimity, still it would not long be able to press this point farther; but I will entreat the oppose successfully the increasing tide of po- most serious attention to it. With respect to pular sentiment. The consequences may be myself, and the Administration of which #I dreadful to contemplate; if you cannot stem form a part, the fate of this bill is a matter the tide, and yet resist it, is there no danger of comparative indifference. I have said, and that you may be even swept away by its vio-I am not a man to recall what I have said, lence? (Much cheering) But let me adil, that the peril will be much greater, should this bill be thrown out by a comparatively small number of your Lordships. What, then,

that by this measure I must stand or fafl. (Continued cheers, especially from the Opposition side.) The question of my continuauce in office, even for au hour, must depend

appeared in Parliament, by far the best speaker that England has possessed during my time; and I say all this without forgetting that he would have utterly destroyed me if he could; and that it is no excuse for such a man to say that he was induced to make the at

upon my seeing a reasonable prospect of being able to carry into effect this measure, to which I am pledged, as I think, by every tie of private honour, and by every obligation of pub. lic duty, both to my Sovereign and to the people. (Hear, hear, hear.) I wish your Lordships distinctly to understand (as I have already said, and the sentiment was received with some apparent eagerness), that it is my deliberate conviction, that the dangers to be tempt by the base importunities of incurred by the rejection of this bill cannot be others. obviated by any measure of less force and There was, however, something far efficiency. If such a plan be proposed, it is not by me that it will be supported: beyond the ability displayed by Lord I never will consent to hold out to the Grey; far beyond his clear and powerpeople a delusive measure of reform-I ful statement, his unanswerable arguam convinced that they have a right to ex-ments, and his judicious appeal to the pect constitutional reform to the full extent of the bill upon the table, and their earnest wishes justice and prudence of the Peers; I in its favour have been zealously expressed. mean, his bold, and honest declaration, I have set before your Lordships examples that he would not keep his place an hour which should teach you how to avoid perils, if deprived of the means of carrying which in my view must inevitably follow rejection. I advocate this bill as a measure of this great measure complete. That is peace and conciliation; and in the words of precisely what the country wanted, and the prayer we daily offer, I hope that Providence also what it expected from him. Now, prosper all your consultations to the we all know how we stand. We all advancement of his glory-to the good of the know that this bill will pass, or, that church, and to the safety, honour, and welfare of the empire." (Much cheering.) I am the powers of the state are to pass into aware that I have already too long detained other hands. your Lordships, but 1 cannot conclude without expressing a hope-would I could say a sanguine expectation-that this measure may receive your sanction: I entreat your Lordships to take into view the situation of the country, and I trust that you will then see the necessity for confirming by your vote a measure calculated not only to produce immeasurable good, but to prevent incalculable evil. (General and reiterated cheers.)

will"

The opposition was begun by Lord WHARNCLIFE, better known to the country by the name of Stuart Wortley, who was one of the messengers to Queen Caroline, along with Banks, Wilberforce, and Ackland. He moved at once that the bill be rejected; but he afterwards wished to withdraw that motion; and after a great deal of talk about the matter; a great deal of ability shown by the Ministers, and a great deal of feebleness shown by the Opposition, he was allowed to new-model it into a motion, "That the bill be read a second time this day six months.”

It is now Wednesday morning, the 5th of October. The debate was adjourned on Monday night, and again last night, and it may not terminate before this Register goes to press. But there are some observations called for, The speech of Lord Wharncliffe was a upon the part of the debate, which is speech of detail rather than of principle. now before me. Upon the speech of It had no argument in it worthy of atLord Grey it would be useless to waste tention. Lord Mansfield, however, time in praises: it is a speech, imperfect who came next on the same side, dwelt as the report must necessarily be, such a good deal on the effects of the bill as the oldest of us have never heard be- upon the character and proceedings of fore; but then it is the speech of a future Houses of Commons. He said man whom I have for more than twenty that he believed, "that men of talent years past always held up to my readers" and character, active and enterprising as a man possessing greater talent and" men, who held opinions contrary to 'knowledge, with regard to the major" the interests of the country, would get part of public matters, than any other into Parliament;" and that these man in the kingdom. He has always men would reduce the taxes, wipe away been, in my opinion, ever since he first the National Debt, and abolish the

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tithes. He also alluded to an abolition only about half a century has elapsed

of the pensions, sinecures, and grants; and his great objection to the bill seemed to be that it prepared the way for an abolition of the peerage and an interference with the succession of the

crown.

Now, I will deal frankly with his Lordship. I am for a government of King, Lords and Commons; and, if this bill pass, it is my settled opinion that that government will still remain, and will be more respected and more honoured than it ever was before; but I am not for a government of King, Lords, and boroughmongers and loaninongers, and with such government I never will rest contented. It is quite possible that I myself may be one of the men of "talent, activity, and enterprise" that this bill may let into the Parliament;

since the peerage stood in need of such support: instead of upholding a peerage, they tend directly to destroy it, by showing the people that the peerage is thus made the cause of their burdens and their misery. When the people are told, as they were by the result of the motion of Sir James Graham, that a hundred and thirteen of the Aristocracy swallow up as much money, taken out of the taxes, as is equal in amount to the poor-rates of nine of the counties of England, how are the people to love that aristocracy? Not one sixpence of this money would be voted by a reformed Parliament; or, at least, that is my hope; and if it were not my expectation as well as my hope, I would not give a straw for that bill for which the nation now is so eagerly contending.

"" and I can assure his LordThey expect to have the taxes reship that, if that should be the case, no duced." Expect! We are sure of it; exertion within my power shall be aye, and to "see the national debt wanting to cause to be done the very wiped off;" justly, mind; but, wiped things, the rendering of which things off to a certainty; "and to see the possible makes him object to the bill. tithes abolished." To be sure we do, In all the just prerogatives of the King, and if we did not, I tell Lord Mansfield in the dignity and privileges of the that I verily believe that nine hundred peerage, I see the greatest utility, not and ninety-nine out of every thousand only in maintaining the honour of the of the people would wish the bill to be country, but in promoting the happiness rejected, and never heard of more; for of the people themselves. These high what is it to us that a thing called restations, beyond the reach of mere form take place, if the same burdens riches, serve effectually to check the upon us be to continue? The petition everlasting rivalship in the masses of for reform which was presented by Lord money; to be sure, I am to be under- Grey in the year 1793, contained this stood as supposing that they are not to passage::- "Your petitioners must now be purchased with money. They are, beg leave to call the attention of your indeed, no harm to the people, and in" honourable House to the greatest certain cases they do them a great deal" evil produced by these defects in the of good. They are attended with some "representation of which they comevils; but, after long thinking and long "plain, namely, the extent of PRIVATE observation, I am satisfied that, if ju-"PARLIAMENTARY diciously used, the good of these insti-"abuse which obviously tends to extutions very far surpasses their evil."clude the great mass of the people But if a peerage cannot be supported "from any substantial influence in the without pensions, sinecures, grants, "election of the House of Commons, half-pay, allowances, and salaries, such" and which, in its progress, threatens as we now behold, and such as we feel" to usurp the sovereignty of the counthe effects of, then where is the man (6 try, to the equal danger of the King, who will hold up his head in defence of" of the Lords, and of the Commons. a peerage? A peerage can be upheld

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without any of these: it has, for many I am compelled here to throw my centuries, been upheld without them: commentary aside, and let it wait for

another week, if indeed, events should it with great attention, and particularly not arise which may make it quite ob- to notice the clever manner in which solete and of no use. This is THURS- my Lord Holland blowed up the story DAY MORNING. Last night the de- of Lord Wharncliffe about the inhabibate was renewed and continued from tants of Bnd-street. But the great Tuesday night; but there was some-thing to notice is the resolution at Birthing which took place before the debate mingham to refuse to pay taxes, and began, which was of infinitely greater Lord Eldon's appeal to the Lord Chief importance than the debate itself; Justice upon the subject. I hope that namely, a debate on the presenting, or all appeals of that sort will be rendered rather on the subject of the BIRMING-unnecessary by the speedy passing of HAM PETITION. I shall here insert the bill, which, after all, I think the this debate at full length. It shows Lords will pass, notwithstanding all the that things are coming to that point big talk we hear against it. which I always said they would come to; namely, to a general refusal to pay the direct taxes, if this bill did not pass. Last year I gave lectures in most of the Lord WHARNCLIFFE had another petition to principal towns of thirty out of the forty present from merchants, bankers, and other counties of England. In every one of wealthy inhabitants of the city of London, the prayer of which he would have read at the those counties, with the exception of table, in order that he might avoid falling into two, I was asked, in the most serious a similar mistake as he had fallen into in remanner, by grave, sensible, and even gard to the prayer of the other petition. But rich men, whether I would not recom-sidered it as being against the whole bill, since as to that petition, he might fairly have conmend a refusal to pay the assessed it prayed for alterations, whereas ministers taxes; to which I always answered that had declared against all alterations. (No, no.) I would give no recommendation on He understood that such was the declaration the subject. I was then asked, genetration. But, however, as to the present perally, to give my advice as to the mode tition, he was instructed to say that it had of proceeding if the parties should re-been signed between two o'clock on Saturday, solve to do it. I always answered, that it was a thing about which I could offer no advice; and that, I thought it was better for us to petition with great perseverance for a reform of the Parliament, and to wait patiently for the effect of those petitions, lest, in our eagerness to obtain redress, we should cause the destruction of things which we wished to uphold.

of the noble Earl at the head of the Adminis

and the same time on Tuesday, by 800 persons, It had been agreed to at a meeting of merchauts and bankers, held in consequence of another petition, agreed to at another meeting, and said to be the petition of the merchants and bankers of the eity of London, and which had been presented to this House as such. The petition which he had now to present was signed by many of the partners of the most respectable houses in Loudon; and although the greater numbers might be on the other side, yet the men of the greatest Now, let it be observed, that this was Even among those who were friendly to the property in London were adverse to the bill. not only many months before the Duke bill, the feeling in its favour was by no means of Wellington threw the country into a so strong as it had originally been, and as a ferment by his daringly expressed reso-proof of this he need only state, that the petilution against all reform; but the far bankers, and traders of London had heen tion formerly presented from the merchants, greater part of these conversations took signed by 9,600 individuals, whereas the petiplace six months before the last French tion last presented had been signed by only Revolution took place; and yet the 4,700 persons. He was instructed to state Duke now ascribes the universal cry for that the signatures to this petition included a reform to the French Revolution. If it telligence of the City of London. But now he very great proportion of the property and inhad not been for my advice, the refusal would take the opportunity to advert to what I would actually have taken place, in one had been said with respect to some remarks of county, so early as the month of March.his the other night, to the effect that the feelI shall now insert this debate, praying this Reform Bill had very much abated. It ing in London and Westminster in favour of my readers to go through every part of was said that he had taken as his criterion the

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