thought" and acted as the baronet had done, and one who thought and acted as I thought and acted. ciate in the cause of reform, and who, between one who " I therefore immediately wrote and dispatched my servant with a note, expressing my feelings as follows: "To Sir Francis Burdett." On receiving the information of Mr. Henry Brooks, the baronet perceived the hour for activity was arrived. It quickly produced a letter to the father, Mr. Samuel Brooks, naming three gentlemen, "I find that, after sacrifices to public any one of whom might be considered liberty which have not, in this age, as acceptable to the baronet, and worthy" been made by many; after a fidelity of being put in nomination with himself;" to the state, which had been surpassed in which letter, "the old Major" was by none,-and after vital services to neither named nor noticed. "the cause of parliamentary reform, The three so recommended, were Mr. " which have been exceeded by few,Fawkes (whose determination, by the" there are persons among whom I have way, against going into Parliament," acted, who oppose the confiding to me during the continuance of the present a trust, in the execution of which, system, had been repeatedly declared)," there are those and not a small Mr. Kinnaird, and Mr. Hobhouse. 66 66 "number,-who are persuaded, cir"cumstanced as I have long been, and "continue to be, I might be enabled to advance the cause in which I have long laboured, and with some credit, more than perhaps any other indi"vidual. The baronet's fiat thus issued, all was instant alertness for Mr. Kinnaird, as the 66 personal friend" of Sir Francis" Burdett. We know the rest. We know that on that occasion Westminster did not add to the phalanx of radical reform. We know that even the baronet was but "I also learn that, for the trust in second on the poll. And now we also" question, a preference by the opposing know, that although in June it was, but". persons is now given to gentlemen, most incomprehensibly assigned as the "who, for years past, and years which baronet's reason for not naming as Mr." our cause made years of trial-years Henry Brooks had done to him, "the" in which the opposed person has done old Major," in his recommendatory" so much, these preferred gentlemen, epistle, that he "THOUGHT_the" whatever may be their patriotism, Major did not wish for a seat in Par-" their talents, and their virtues, have ment;" he (the baronet) in November," done nothing. 66 as a new reason for the exclusion was "Seeing these things, I have nothing, unfortunately become necessary, had" thank God! to lament for myself, but accordingly discovered a new one-but" much as 1 conjecture, shall I have to not a whit less incomprehensible than" lament for my country, in which such the former one-namely, that although" things are possible. there appeared no bar whatever to the introduction of another "personal friend," another reformer of new-born pretensions, "it was impossible that the Major should be elected !" "June 2, 1818." "JOHN CARTWRIGHT. Considering the auspicious crisis to which the cause of constitutional reform was brought, considering that to bring But I must return to the recom-it to that crisis, had cost a two-andmendatory letter of the baronet to Mr. forty-years' controversy, and that in that Samuel Brooks. On its contents being controversy, from first to last, mine had communicated to me by the committee- not been the least prominent part,men, who had seen it, I felt that I had considering the nature, the object, and been very ill dealt with, and that it was, the intimacy of the political intercourse indeed," impossible" that a political between the baronet and myself,-and connexion in the sacred cause of consti- considering the honour which is ever tutional reform could any longer subsist supposed to govern men co-operating in both, I observe, that having long dealt so sacred a public cause,-considering, I say, all these, could less on the occasion in strict demonstrations as standards of under consideration, have been expected right and wrong in political principle, I from Sir Francis Burdett to me-and, am not easily prejudiced either against may I not add, to our country, for which an enemy, or for a friend. I thought we were jointly labouring, than a manly frankness and an open dignified conduct? After what I have already noticed respecting Sir Francis Burdett, and the doubts which his conduct has excited in the minds of myself and many others, it will be right that I should so far account for those doubts, as to show that I am not writing from spleen, but from a desire, on the one hand, to guard the public from a misplaced reliance on serious and unremitting exertions in the cause of reform, which may not take place, and, on the other hand, to furnish the baronet himself with a salutary warning of what may happen to his reputation, if he do not take care to prevent it. Notwithstanding the And considering, moreover, that for the eight years during which I had been a citizen of Westminster, I had been second to no man in sustaining and elevating her reputation for services to reform and public freedom, I would ask why, if all the baronet had in view were fair and honourable, I was to be exclusively kept in the dark, until the plot for excluding me were fully ripened, and the name of one of the gentlemen he recommended was placarded for nomination and support in conjunction with declarations his own, and as his "personal friend," which have been made, respecting annual -a gentleman who, although likewise a Parliaments, universal freedom, and the citizen of Westminster, had never once ballot,-objects which are unquestionappeared when she had so distinguished ably necessary to be obtained for esherself as aforesaid by her services to tablishing our freedom-it is but too reform and public freedom? apparent, that it will be difficult to If a true interpretation of the former reconcile the late conduct of the baronet conduct, when the baronet “THOUGHT|with any very rooted attachment to "the Major did not wish for a seat in those objects: especially when the "Parliament," were wanting, it is now tenor of his public speeches shall be duly supplied. We see the old reformer attended to. again pushed aside, to make way for that other gentleman of new-born pretensions, whose name stood last in the aforesaid letter of the baronet to Mr. Samuel Brooks. In the apprehensions to be entertained from such facts, and from the mysterious conduct of the baronet for two years past, or more, as well as from his public speeches since the election, I may possibly be wrong; and no man more ardently than myself wishes I may prove SO. Should there be any ready to suspect me of a deficiency in charity, let this sentiment be put in the scale against that notion of others, who misinterpreting patience and forbearance, impute to me a facility of being too easily duped by professions. To the former class of persons, I say, in the words of the old Lord Chatham, " In an aged bosom confidence is a plant of slow growth." To The baronet's predilection for annual Parliaments is not, as we know, many years old; and moreover that it rests, not on the true sound foundation of inherent demonstrated right, which is indefeasable and immutable; but-on the unsound basis of history, of ancient statutes and the practice of our ancestors, all which are property changeable, as our expedience may require. And it is not a little remarkable, as I shall presently show, that for the change which did take place, by departing from annual Parliaments and for continuing in that departure, the baronet, in his last public speech, furnished the adversaries of our freedom with an argument which, fallacious as it is, they will quote as of great force; and which their own ingenuity never before hit upon. Then, we are further to consider, that the baronet's belief in the doctrines of universal freedom and the ballot, had not a many months' possession of his mind It is not, however, to be supposed, but prior to the general election. If, in the that while that powerful writer, as well simplicity of my nature, I had indeed, as Lord Cochrane and myself, had free given him credit; for a fruit-bearing communication with the baronet, his sincerity, of attachment to the doctrines Lordship, and myself, and perhaps of our political salvation, and should in others, heard from the complainant frethe end prove deceived, although it may quent observations to that effect. But show that I had not sufficiently profited in whatever degree I felt the force of his by that scripture, in which it is written, observations, I also felt a desire to be that seed sown on stony ground, for instrumental, if possible, towards the want of root soon withers away; yet if baronet's acting as the enlightened and I be not wholly incorrigible in error, and virtuous expected from him, in the great if experience have not been quite thrown cause of parliamentary reform. away upon me; now, that I am brought, by what has recently passed, to my recollection, and called on to put other good confiding Christians on their guard, I may possibly be of some use. Allow me then to state, that in essentials towards reform, the late Duke of Richmond went considerably further than Sir Francis Burdett has yet gone. That very able and very energetic nobleman, who was a complete working man of business, not only tendered in Parliament an actual BILL for universal freedom and annual elections, but he likewise published that BILL to the world, as well as his famous letter to Colonel Sharman; unanswerably proving by close logical argument and demonstration, the truth of the principles on which that BILL was founded ;-a mode of proceeding and of pledging the party, not hitherto adopted by the baronet. With the facts before our eyes, of these proceedings of the Duke of Richmond, who, however, afterwards sat in the same cabinet with that political tiger, Mr. Pitt; would not experience be useless, might I not, without uncharitable imputations, be permitted to warn the nation against believing the impossibility of the baronet himself becoming a changeling? I therefore continued a perfectly friendly political intercourse with the baronet, until a sense of what was due to personal honour compelled me, as hath been explained, to free him from a political connexion he seemed desirous of dissolving. It will be recollected what extreme anxiety was felt by the radical reformers on the approach of the parliamentary session of 1817, when deputies from an immense number of petitioning communities assembled in London, in the ardent hope of a grand effort being made in Parliament, by means of a bill, which it is understood was to be brought in by Sir Francis Burdett. The unparalleled distress of the nation, which distress was by that time universally seen to be a direct consequence of the House of Commons not representing the people, but having been metamorphosed into an engine of their oppression; had given rise to numerous petitions, in which it appeared that the effective power of the House of Commons was considered as concentrated in an oligarchy, whose barefaced usurpation and insufferable tyranny were upheld by a corruption as notorious as it was infamous. The suffering people, agonizing under Here, if circumstances have taught their miseries, looked, as they had a me, that it is my duty to speak, I must right to look, for such a bill, and their nevertheless claim to stand in that re- eyes, as well as the eyes of all sincere spect perfectly apart from a powerful reformers, were universally turned on writer who has dealt largely in accusa-Sir Francis Burdett. This was, of tion of the baronet, for his want of sin-course, the case of Mr. Cobbett, who, in cerity as a constitutional reformer. The the meeting of deputies, had moved a accusation of that writer must stand or fall, as supported, or contradicted, by facts and evidence. resolution of high compliments and entire confidence in Sir Francis Burdett, although at that time the baronet did not approve of universal freedom, which Independent of any other person's was the unanimous sentiment and prin- opinions, it, however, belongs to me to ciple of those deputies. The resolution show, that notwithstanding my willing was not at first altogether acceptable, co-operation with Sir Francis, subsebut it was so judiciously worded, and so quent to the time aforesaid, always in ably supported by Mr. Cobbett, that, the hope, and always striving, that such according to my recollection, it was co-operations should be serviceable to voted unanimously. When the baronet the cause of constitutional reform, on failed, on the opening day of the sessions, true legislative principles, according to distinctly to undertake the bringing in the improved knowledge of the age, I a bill, Mr. Cobbett was greatly irritated; was neither blind, nor accessary, to the as may be seen from the hasty note baronet's omissions. In cabinet conhe wrote to me on the occasion, as sultation with him, or with any man, I follows:never concurred in projecting modes of reform, with which, in the forum, I could afterwards finds fault. "MY DEAR SIR, 66 "January 28, 1817. "Sir Francis has anticipated Lord Even after I was acquainted with the "C., and had given a notice RELATIVE insult on my understanding, as well as "TO 'parliamentary reform!' Lord on the common sense of all who knew "C. has gone over* to see the precise how absorbed I was in an anxiety for "terms of the notice; but, at any rate, the reform, in the pretence that it was "he is resolved not to be driven from "thought I did not wish for a seat in "the bill in the end. Thus, you see, Parliament;" such was my repugnance no good, and as much harm as he can, to injure in any degree the cause of li"is at our service! "W. C." berty, by then exposing that declaration, or publishing a written one of 2d of June, that I withheld all public mention of either; and likewise voted for the baronet's own election. Whether, in that, I did, or did not, according to my intention, serve the cause of freedom, now depends on him for whom that vote was given. Whether the irritation of Mr. Cobbett have, or have not, since hurried him sometimes beyond the just line of censure on a public character, I have no need to remark; but certain, however, it is, that in his Registers which have appeared subsequent to the 17th of November-the memorable nomination But now, when the double-dealing of day for filling the present vacancy for June has been proved by the doubleWestminster (written of course long dealing of November, longer silence before)-with uncommon force of lan- would not only be personal meanness guage, Mr. Cobbett has told the public and insensibilty, but a deficiency in why, in his judgment, which events have public fidelity. In In June, it was shown to have been a prophetic kind of " THOUGHT," forsooth! that an judgment, it must be a prime object with anxious and indefatigable reformer the baronet, that I, of all men, should" did not wish" for an increase of means not be placed in Parliament.+ * His Lordship then lodged on the terrace, in Palace-yard, opposite the door of West minster Hall. "I saw "what the baronet had done "for the express purpose of keeping you out.”Dec. 5, p. 324. "The baronet dreaded you, as an associate, above all men living," &c. p. 325.-" And he resolved, that if he could avoid it, you should not be his companion.”—p. 325.-"He had, by the intrigues of his Rump, caused you to be kept out of Parliament."-Dec. 12, p. 358. "It was this division, created solely by the baronet's dread of you, aud, indeed, his hatred of your teasing, baiting, goading on to action, that emboldened the Whigs to come forward." (a)-p. 359. "They well know, that if the baronet had not set his Rump to intrigue for Kinnaird, you would have had no opposition."-p. 370. "There is not a man in the kingdom, who does not clearly see, that you have been excluded by the wishes of the baronet.”—p. 368. (a) These words do not convey a correct idea of my conduct. Contenting myself with an inflexible adherence to self-evident and demonstrated principles, I ever left them to operate as they might; but never harassed the baronet with personal importunities. for promoting his object, "ten times tenfold !" whose pretensions he himself tells you are paramount?" 66 Surely, nothing but the circumstance of his own seat being now safe, could have inspired this aggravated insult, this repetition of an offence, before so deeply felt! In November, when that pretext could no longer serve, another was as readily coined and a most extraordinary one it was. Sir Francis Burdett, as chairman of a meeting for the purpose of a nomination, formally declared, that "he How truly contemptible is crooked "knew, indeed, of only one individual policy! The whole is of a piece. All "whose pretensions to the support of littleness, darkness, and double-dealing! "the meeting were paramount to those Can aught that is great, noble, generous, "of Mr. Hobhouse and that was his and truly devoted to the freedom of our "venerable friend, Major Cartwright. unhappy country, spring from such a "But he was thoroughly convinced source? It may! For if we should "that it would be impossible to IN- hold our peace the very stones would "SURE the Major's election for West- immediately cry out. "minster." I am not one of those readily-despondWhen in June, the baronet opposed ing mortals, who, when divisions occur, his "venerable friend," by playing off-for divisions must needs be, but woe against him one of his "personal unto them by whom they come-fearfriends," how, I pray, was that personal friend's election "INSURED." Short, indeed, were his memory, did he not recollect the consternation caused by that experiment; which even for awhile put in jeopardy his own return, and which placed him on the poll below his colleague! Was it not the shock given to public feeling on that occasion, which "INSURED the " 'personal friend's" defeat? fully infer that freedom will suffer. No. To its ultimate triumph, divisions are in truth as necessary, as the fan or the thrashing floor, for dividing the chaff from the sound and solid grain! What pitiful manoeuvring! In June we have one manœuvre: in November another. In June the obstacle is a thought" in November it is a "belief." The election of the person of paramount pretensions," it was believ ed," could not be INSURED!-Could not be INSURED. Good God! Was ever before such language addressed to a public nomination meeting of a few hundred inhabitants of a city containing fourteen or fifteen thousand electors-a city claiming a proud pre-eminence for patriotism and independence--and then having a representative to choose? With this recent experience of the fallibility of his own judginent, respecting the inclinations of the Westminster electors at large, what are we to think, when in the same breath, he proclaims the "paramount pretensions" of his "venerable friend," gives it as his opinion that he cannot succeed,-and yet ventures on recommending another, and a still newer personal friend" Was such a city, through such a meetthan the former, whose nomination ing, ever before, in the same manner, proved so unfortunate, and with pre-at the same moment, and by the same tensions he thus acknowledges to be inferior? 66 Here, Gentlemen, allow me to ask you a plain question.-Were we now going to another general election, and the baronet's own return not yet INSURED, would he, with a recollection of the June experiment on the patience of the electors, impressed on his mind, now venture on an exact counterpart of that presumptuous experiment; by starting a second" personal friend," against one orator, told of two persons, one of whom had for more than forty years steadily marched onward for the goal of reform, › without having even once taken a suspicious step; and was moreover a wellknown fellow-citizen;-the other, however amiable and promising, a youthful and new acquaintance, whose march whatever strength this might be intended to *The word reported is "convinced." But give to the expression, it was not possible to be more than belief. |