VOL. 74.-No. 2.] LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 8TH, 1831.

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REFORM BILL.

[Price 1s. 2d.

address their Lordships in nearly the following words:-My Lords, In the course of a long political life, now extended-[The noble Earl here again paused, evidently overcome ́ by emotion at the task that had devolved upon him for performance, and several noble Lords, perceiving his momentary incapacity to proceed, exclaimed, "Sit dowu!-sit down!" The noble Earl, adopting the suggestion, resumed his seat for a minute, and then again rising and advancing to the table to address their Lordships, he was received with cheers from both sides of the House.] My Lords, In a long political life, which has now exBEFORE this comes from the press, tended over nearly half a century, it has often perhaps, the Lords will have passed or been my lot to propose to this House and to rejected this Bill. In either case, it is the other House of Parliament-in moments necessary that a record of the import- of great difficulty-in seasons of great political contest and violence-many questions of ant proceeding should be contained in the most vital importance to the political inthis my Register, The Bill was terests of this country, as well as to the general brought into the House of Lords about well-doing of Europe. If at such timesten days ago, and read a first time under such circumstances and with such interests at stake, I have felt that awe and trewithout any debate; Monday, the 3rd pidation which the importance of those occaof October, being appointed for the sions must have naturally inspired, and which second reading. Accordingly, the se- were no more than becoming to me, speaking cond reading was moved by the Prime as I did, conscious of my own inferiority, in Minister, Earl GREY, on the day ap-country has ever produced, and sensible of the the presence of some of the greatest men this pointed. I shall here begin by insert-important duty which I had to discharge-if, ing a report of the speech made upon I say, on such occasions as those I felt awed, this occasion by this nobleman. I will yet still were those sensations nothing in the make no remarks upon it here; but comparison to the feelings with which I am affected at the presént moment; for I am about will commend it to the careful perusal to propose for your Lordships' consideration a of my readers. They should read every question involving the dearest interests of the sentence of it with attention; not only country-a question, for bringing forward which I more than any other individual am on account of the very interesting matter personally responsible a question which has which it embraces, and the extraordi-been designated as destructive of the Constinary talent which it displays, but for the purpose of forming those opinions relative to this great matter upon which their conduct is to be regulated, whether in consequence of the passing or the rejecting of the Bill. With this preface I insert the speech, again requesting my readers to go through it with the greatest care.

tution, as revolutionary in its spirit and principle, and as tending to produce general confusion and misgovernment throughout the of these charges, against which it is necessary country. Your Lordships will feel the weight that I should vindicate myself. My own be lief is, that the measure which I am about to lay before your Lordships is one of peace, that on this question depends, on the one prosperity and concord. (Cheers.) I observe hand, the peace, prosperity, and concord of the country; and, on the other, the continuance of a state of political disaffection, which Earl GREY then rose for the purpose of threatens all those consequences that must moving the order of the day for the second read-arise when ill-feeling is engendered i ing of the Reform Bill; and the House, which, people towards the Government of a country. during the discussion as to the future hour of (Hear, hear.) I have already stated that 1, proceeding with the petitions, had been in more than any other individual, am personally some confusion, almost instantaneously sub-responsible for this measure; and it is theresided into the profoundest attention and si- fore necessary, in the first place, that I should lence. The noble Earl paused a minute be- set myself right with your Lordships on this fore he commenced, and then proceeded to point. My opinion on this question of Par

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liamentary Reform is well known to such of for the Monarchs of this country, shortly after your Lordships as have done me the honour to their accession, to pay to the great, loyal, and observe the course of my political conduct, opulent city of this empire. These things I have uniformly supported the principle of must be fresh in the minds of your Lordships; Reform. I voted, soon after my introduction and you must also recollect in how great a into Parliament, in the year 1786, for ques degree, at that very time, prevailed the desire tions of that description, I voted with Mr. for the adoption of some measure of ParPitt for the shortening of Parliaments. Iliamentary Reform, which tended still more voted for a measure of reform introduced by to agitate the feelings of the country, and reMr. Flood at the commencement of the Re-curred to men's minds more strongly than volution, and before the beginning of that ever. My Lords, that was the revival of a war which led to such disastrous consequences. question which had at times slumbered, but I myself, on two different occasions, brought had never been extinct during a period of forward a proposition of this nature, believing, eighty years (hear, hear); that was a question as I then did, that some change in the repre- which had always agitated the country; more sentation of the people was necessary to give especially in times of difficulty, by which the new vigour to the Constitution, and to make necessity of its settlement was the more clearly the House of Commons in fact what it pro- evinced. (Hear, hear.) That measure, then, fessed to be in theory—a full, free, and effi- had begun to be felt as so necessary, that cient representation of the people. (Cheers.) when I arrived in town at that period, I found I stand, therefore, now before your Lordships many, on whose opinions I most relied-who the advocate of principles from which I have had never, indeed, dissented from Parliamennever swerved. But it is not enough that a tary Réform, but who could not previously public man, pretending to any claim to the have been reckoned among its most energeticcharacter of a Statesman, should be able to and sanguine supporters-I found, I say, prove that he has been consistent in what he many such as these convinced that the time has done that what he has proposed is in had at length arrived when that question must conformity with opinions long established in be entertained, with the desire and intention. his mind, and that it is from a conviction of bringing it to a close. That was my conforced upon him through all the changes and viction also (hear hear), and your Lordships chances of a long political career that he will not forget that on the first day of that: brings forward some measure of this descrip- Session, I took an opportunity of discussing tion. He has a still further duty to perform. the general state of the country, in answer to He has to prove that he has not forced into a noble Earl whom I do not now see in his notice even a beneficial opinion, either rashly płace; and who, after describing the situa or at an inopportune season, but that he has tion of the country, had proceeded to insist on: done it under a sincere conviction that it is the necessity of strong measures such as essential to the well-being of the country, and arming and others. I then stated-using the that it could not be longer delayed with safety, familiar illustration of putting one's house in if it was his object to make it a measure that order for the coming storm-that Parliamen➡should unite in affection towards the Govern-tary Reform was the best security that could ment and the Constitution a loyal and confid-be devised, as security was wanted; that it, ing people. (Cheers.) To show what my was the cheapest defence the Government course of conduct on this subject has been, a could adopt; that it was the most certain short, detail only will be necessary. Your shield that could be held out against any atLordships cannot have forgotten what the tempts, either foreign or domestic: (cheers); state of the country was at the commence- that Reform in the representation of the Com ment of the last Session of Parliament. (Hear, mons' House of Parliament, with which the hear.) Your Lordships cannot have forgotten people were no longer satisfied, and without the general doubt and anxiety that prevailed which there could be no reasonable hope of throughout the community-that society was reconciling them to the measures of Govern almost in a state of disorganization that ment, would be all the things that were> tumult had taken place in the manufacturing wanted, and would produce more safety than districts that the influence of certain poli-any other scheme that could be developed. tical unions, which had grown out of the discontent of the people, was spreading in every direction that there was the most alarming insurrection prevalent in the southern counties, extending almost to the very gates of the metropolis. Neither can your Lordships have forgotten how that situation of fear and destruction was exemplified by the remarkable circumstance of the then Ministers thinking it to be their duty to counsel his Majesty not to expose them to the danger which must ensue a danger which I most sincerely believe was groundless aud unreal-from paying that visit to the city which it has been usual

These were the things that I stated on the first day of that Session; and I am sure that› your Lordships cannot have forgotten the answer that they received, any more than you can have forgotten the general consternation produced by that answer when the noble Duke then at the head of his Majesty's Government declared himself opposed in principle to all reform whatever (hear, hear, hear); that the present constitution of the House of Commons was a thing so perfect in itself (hear, hear), a thing so unattainable by human wisdom, that it ought to be unalterable; and that any change, even the slightest, would be

which, if it receives the sanction of this House, will, I most conscientiously believe, prove a measure of peace, tranquillity, and conciliation to the whole country. (Cheers.) But there is still a further point to which I have to give an answer. It will, no doubt, be said, grant that there is a general feeling in favour of reform

productive of danger to the country. The effect of that declaration all your Lordships must have felt. (Hear, hear.) It was described by Mr. Drummond in his address to the elect ors of Surrey-a gentleman not, I believe, adverse to the late Administration, and certainly not favourable to the present. Mr. Drummond had stated in that address that that-grant that there is a general admission of declaration of the noble Duke showed great ignorance of the public feeling, and was cal culated to drive the people to despair. A noble friend of mine also spoke of it in strong terms, and stated that the dissolution of the late Government, and all the agitation that had ensued, were owing to that imprudent and unfortunate declaration. (Hear, hear.) Thus far, then, I must stand acquitted with your Lordships, that in proposing the measure which I this night have to propose to your Lordships, I am doing nothing which is not consistent with the principles that I have a ways maintained; that I propose it in continuance of that strong conviction which I expressed at a moment when I could not have had the most remote idea of filling the situation which I now so unworthily hold; and that it has always been my uniform conviction that this measure ought no longer to be delayed. What followed is well known to your Lordships. I was called on most unexpectedly by my Sovereign to form an Administration. On what principle was I to form it? (Hear, hear.) On that of my predecessor-hoping to carry on the same system, but with greater success? My Lords, I could have no such presumptuous hope or expectation. If that had been possible, there would have been no reason or motive for their removal. The question, then, simply came to this, that they were to go on maintaining the same system as heretofore, or that those who succeeded them were to act on a principle more congenial to the general feelings of the country. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, I certainly did state to my Sovereign, as a condition for my accepting office, that I must be allowed to bring forward a measure of reform as a measure of the Government. That condition was graciously assented to by my indulgent Master; and though that measure may be dissented from | in this House, at least we have the satisfaction of feeling that it has been met by the sanction of the public; and I therefore lost no time in preparing, in conjunction with my colleagues, a measure, the result of which is to form the subject of this night's deliberation. So far, then, I hope your Lordships will understand, that I am not chargeable with the introduction unnecessary measure-that I had grounds for thinking that the state of public feeling absolutely required the introduction of the measure, and that it could no longer be delayed with safety. Under these circumstances, I think that it cannot be charged against me as a crime, that I took the earliest opportunity of carrying into effect my design, and of acquitting myself of the pledge which 1 had given, by bringing forward a measure,

the principle (an admission so general, that, with the exception of the noble Duke, I believe that there is not one of the late Administration that does not feel that the measure has been brought to such a crisis that it must be seriously looked at)-grant all this yet why go to the extent of the present measure, which, in the opinion of those who make this observation, is revolutionary in its principle, subversive in its spirit, and calculated to prove fatal to the constitution? My Lords, I hope that I shall be able to answer that question also; and however easy it may be to declaim about revolution and subversion, I trust that I shall be able to show that there is nothing in the measure that is not founded on the acknowledged principles of the English constitution (cheers)-nothing that is not consistent with the ancient system of representation-and nothing that may not be adopted with perfect safety to all the exist! ing privileges of the state, and more particu-~ larly to that order to which we belong, and which it has been erroneously supposed this measure is intended to attack. (Hear, hear.): The principle, then, being universally admitted, that something must be done, we na turally come to the question-in what manner ought it to be done? I imagine that there is not one of your Lordships, from the most diminutive bit-by-bit reformer up to the noble Lord opposite, who some time ago took an opportunity of saying that whatever was done on this subject must be vigorous and decisive

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who will be disposed to deny that it was ne cessary for us to ask ourselves in what manner is this reform to be effected? Whether it must be by doing as little as possible-such as bringing something, that really meant nothing, in the name of reform, and so affecting to redeem our pledge—or whether it must be by taking the noble Lord's plan, I was going to say, but plan he never vouchsafed. (A laugh.) Shall I then rather say, by taking the noble Lord's principle of doing something vigorous and effective? If so, I would observe, that I think we have done that indeed (hear, hear, from the Opposition); for the principle of our measure is, that it should be effectualy and such as to give confidence to the people (cheers from the Ministerial side), at the same? time enabling property and intelligence to take their stand in that fair proportion which the improvement of the age appears to require. These, then, were the two ways of which we had our choice: as to taking the first→→→that of a bit-by-bit reform-that of keeping

"The word of promise to the ear, And breaking it to the hope" C2

that of introducing a half measure as a step they recollect the scenes that take place at to future improvement at a more distant pe- each election, the barefaced corruption that is riod-it had this fundamental objection-that exhibited on all sides, the open sale of seats, it would have satisfied nobody (cheers): those the return of Members in the open face of who were in reality the opponents of all reform, [day under the nomination of the proprietors though they talked about supporting a system of boroughs, while the people look on and see which no one could understand, and which that which all writers on the constitution, all assumed no material shape, would, on finding eminent English lawyers, have stated to be that the ground had been taken from under incompatible with the rights of representation, their feet, have been discontented; while, on daily made the subject of profit to nominees, the other hand, the people, who were looking in defiance both of justice and of law? On for a substantial and effective measure, would these grounds, therefore, we proceeded to certainly not have been satisfied; and thus consider what boroughs ought to be abolished, this ministerial measure, instead of giving and in so doing we found that many were so satisfaction, would be exposed to the funda- situated as to be incapable, under any circummental objection, that it did nothing towards stances, of possessing the elective franchise, appeasing that agitation and excitement which it being impossible to extend the constituency had so alarmingly prevailed. Looking, then, in those boroughs that only possessed the name at the question in this point of view, it would and ancient site of places which formerly sent utterly have failed; and I necessarily came to representatives to Parliament. Under these the conclusion, that the most prudent, the circumstances, we thought that they could most safe measure that I could propose would only be considered as gangrenes, which defied be a bold one (hear, hear); and this the all cure but that of excision; and we there rather, because I felt, that looking to the fore determined to disfranchise entirely the safety of the country, which was the true po- boroughs mentioned in schedule A, taking as licy, I could introduce such a measure as our criterion a certain rate of population, as would satisfy the general desire of the people, found in the census of 1821-not that we supon reasonable terms, without going from the posed that there was any particular virtue in position on which I was determined to stand the number we selected, but because it enabled. -that of defending the true principles of the us to draw what might be deemed a fair and constitution. (Hear, hear.) It was on this impartial line, and helped us to conclude what principle, then, that I and my colleagues con- boroughs existed into which it was impossible. sidered the plan of reform; and on looking at to diffuse a new or vigorous constituency. the various causes that had given rise to the These boroughs, therefore, we determined to complaints of the people on this subject, it was propose to Parliament to abolish altogether. impossible not to find our attention attracted There then presented itself to our notice to the nomination boroughs, as they are called. another class of boroughs, having a higher Against these the public feeling has long been population, and which we thought might be directed, and I think with good reason; for as allowed, to a certain extent, to return their long as these boroughs, in which the public franchise, by the admission of regulations, had no interest, were sufficient to outweigh the which will be found in the bill, for the purpose votes of an immense portion of the inhabitants of raising their constituency, after depriving of this country, it ought to be no matter of each borough of this class of one of its Mem surprise to hear the exclamation, that it would bers. I know that it will be alleged against be better to have no representation at all than this measure that there are anomalies in this suffer so gross an abuse to continue. And is bill; and I admit that if it was altogether a it unnatural that the people should have im-new scheme, such an accusation would be a bibed a disgust for that nominative system, when we come to consider what is the character of these boroughs? The claim set up for them is that of sending Members to the House of Commons without the least pretence to the character of being the real representatives of the people, though they are returned under the insulting title of representatives, when in fact they are the nominees of Peers, or of other wealthy individuals, who have couverted that into property which was originally a trust, and who dispose of it for their own particular advantage, without any view to the general benefit of the community. These are the feelings that prevail among the people, and how it is possible to convert them into those of affection and conciliation towards the Government or the constitution, without removing those boroughs, I must confess I am not able to see. Is it, again I ask, to be wondered at that the people should feel dissatisfied, when

just one; but still it certainly does appear to be a little inconsistent that such a change should be urged by those who think that the measure is already too extensive (hear, hear), more especially after I am fain to admit that this second class of boroughs has been retain ed for the purpose of conciliating those who are most ready to deprecate too extensive a change; but, at all events, it will be well for your Lordships to consider that these anoma lies could only be remediable by a general division of the population and the counties into districts, and so establishing a more equable partition. The framers of the bill then proceeded with the disfranchisement of the bo roughs contained in Schedule A, and to limit those contained in Schedule B to the return of one Member each. The extent, then, to which the House of Commons was reduced by the disfranchisement of the boroughs in the first class, was 111; those in the second class