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pose a reform of the Parliament! Thus, until the pension, sinecure, grant, retiredclear as daylight is it, that the borough- allowance, and dead-weight lists, have mongers and their supporters, and not been made sheets of blank paper; and the Ministers, have raised this tempest; this I believe to be one of the great and thus you have received from me, subjects of your alarm, if your speech Lawyer CROKER, the answer which was such as it was given to us by the you ought to have received upon the reporther, and on whose words I have spot from the Ministers themselves commented not as having been uttered and, Lawyer CROKER, alarmed as you by you, but as a publication which he say you are, and as I believe you to be, has put forth under your name. Having and most justly alarmed too, I venture mentioned lists, I cannot help adverting to assure you that the reform will take to what the reporther puts forth under place in spite of your alarm and in spite the name of SCOTT ELDON, who, in this of every thing that you can do to pre-publication, is represented to have exvent the success of this great and con-pressed his uneasiness at a publication ciliatory measure. called the Black List. The following are the words attributed to SCOTT ELDON by this publication:

LAWYER CROKER, another part of your speech tells us that this reform will not be large enough to satisfy the people, or, at any rate, large enough to satisfy the millions. Now, Lawyer, I do not take upon myself to say that it will be large enough to satisfy them; but I think I may venture to say that, if this reform be not large enough to satisfy them, they will not be satisfied with a reform that is smaller than this. I will further venture to say, that this reform would have satisfied them if it had been adopted at once, and had gone honestly into execution, without that viperous opposition that was made to it, and without that endless and bitter strife which taught the people to estimate the powerful motives of its opponents. I do not take upon me to say that the people will ever be brought back to that disposition to conciliate in which they

were in the first week of last March; and of this I am very sure, that, if the new bill withhold from them any part which the former bill acknowledged to be their right, they never will be in that conciliating temper again; and that change after change must succeed, until that will come which even your affrighted mind does not appear to anticipate.

He could not here help expressing his surrise, that in the course of the last three months nothing had been said or done with respect to a publication called " The Black List.” Was such a publication ever before suffered to pass without animadversion? It was there stated that he himself, ever since he had a seat in that House, had been receiving 54,0007. annually out of the taxes. He wished these Black-List people would tell him where he could get it. And then they said that a nephew of his-meaning a brother of his-who was now eighty-seven years of age, and whom they

chose to call nephew, had 4,009. a year outof the taxes; whereas, in reality, he had not one farthing out of the taxes. In the same manner, others of their Lordships had been

represented as receiving millions from the taxes who did not receive one farthing from

them; and yet these things were suffered to pass without animadversion.

I know nothing of this Black List; but I know of a BLACK BOOK, published by Mr. Effingham Wilson, at the Royal Exchange; and I know that, animadversion, or not animadversion, and I know full well what SCOTT ELDON means by animadversion; I know that England never will know real peace again till that book be made blank paper.

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I hope, but, what is more, I believe, that, if the same bill be passed, or a bill I should now come to the speech of acknowledging the right of suffrage Peel's-Bill Peel; and after that to equally extensive, all will yet be well; Lawyer CROKER'S Essay upon Irish but let me not flatter you, LAWYER Tithes; but, the latter subject is too CROKER, that perfect peace and har-important to be discussed by me to-day; mony will be restored to the country and of Peel's-Bill Peel's speech, I shall

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only notice what he says about the their progress; nay, they did invade dawnings of the revolution in France. France; and, thanks to the bravery of After speaking of what he calls the out- the French National Guard, they were rages in England, and comparing them defeated. Was the revolution over, then? to what he calls the reign of terror in" It was easy to pronounce the words, France, he asks whether similar results may not be the consequence in this country.

the revolution is over;" but the people saw that it was not over. All the blood. that was shed in France fell upon the In saying this, I do not mean to confound head of the royal family, the nobility, the first seeds of revolution with the after and the clergy, and their tax-eaters: progress of anarchy and blood; but what I do their oppressions in the first place; mean to do is to compare our first steps with their persevering opposition and treachthose that took place in France, and to ask ery in the next place, were the causes I wonder whether such things may not be the conse- of the whole of that blood. quence of disturbing and unsettling men's why Peel's-Bill Peel, when he was tellminds? I have read that the National Con-ing us that in France, the priests and vention, before Marat had influence there, made a denunciation against Clubs (hear, hear), and that the same assembly, too, proclaimed death to the man who should propose an Agrarian law. I have read that when the King accepted the Constitution of 1791, he began in the words "La Revolution s'est fait," thinking that he had then arrived at the termination of the Revolution. In those days the persons cried out against by the popular agitators were the priests and the aristocrats. In this country now it is the boroughmongers that

have to bear the burden.

These are his words, at least such as they are given in the publication of the reporther. Now, Peel's-Bill Peel, hear me a bit. The revolution in France, as ARTHUR YOUNG and Doctor Moor will

aristocrats were the persons cried out against by the popular agitators; and that the persons cried out against by those agitators here are the boroughmongers; I wonder why Peel's-Bill Peel forgot to tell us that the clergy here also are cried out against by the agitators. Surely, Peel's-Bill Peel canhave come in for their share of the cry! not have forgotten yet, that the bishops He will find, I believe, before it be over, the tithes will be full as loudly complained against as rotten boroughs ever were; but upon that subject we shall have to speak more fully another time. I must now proceed with the speech, for the remainder of which I have very little room.

effectual remedy; I feel assured of your dis

position to adopt any practicable measures, which you will always find me ready and

I deeply lament the distress which still show you, arose out of the intolerable prevails in many parts of my dominions, and oppressions of the nobility, the clergy, for which the preservation of peace both at l and the taxing people. This you can-home and abroad will, under the blessing of not deny. The French proceeded at Divine Providence, afford the best and most first by fires privately set; then by fires openly set to gentlemen's houses by bands of men, armed with such weapons as they could collect. This was long before there was a national convention; and, as to the king thinking, when he signed the constitution, that the revolution was over, it was over provided he acted honestly: but there were his brothers and his cousins on the frontier, and other runaway Frenchmen, principally nobility and clergy, forming armies, and joining the open enemies of France to invade France, threatening to burn every town, and to put every man to death who opposed

anxious to assist, both for removing the causes and mitigating the effects of the want of employment which the embarrassments of commerce, and the consequent interruption of the pursuits of industry, have occasioned.

The and and the both have no business here, and the and does mischief. Strange that the King should say, at the end of sixteen years of peace, that the preservation of peace will be the most effectual remedy for the distress. No, may it please your Majesty, the want of em

ployment does not arise from any emIn parts of Ireland a systematic opposition barrassment of commerce. It is found in has been made to the payment of tithes, atagriculture as well as in commerce; it tended in some instances with afflicting rearises from a transfer of property from sults; and it will be one of your first duties to farmers, manufacturers, and traders, to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect loanmongers, Jews, and other usurers, improvements in the laws respecting this subwho suck up the products of industry ject, which may afford the necessary protection through the channels of taxation; and to the Established Church, and at the same this sucking up arises from the measure time remove the present causes of complaint. of that fine young statesman, Peel's- But in this and every other question affecting Bill Peel and this evil can never be Ireland, it is above all things necessary to look cured but by my thirteen Manchester to the best means of securing internal peace propositions. and order, which alone seem wanting to raise It is with great concern that I have ob- a country, blessed by Providence with so many served the existence of a disease at Sunder-natural advantages, to a state of the greatest land, similar in its appearance and character prosperity.

to that which has existed in many parts of The and is again unnecessary, and Europe. Whether it is indigenous, or has the which has an equivocal reference. been imported from abroad, is a question involved in much uncertainty, but its progress

has neither been so extensive nor so fatal as

on the Continent. It is not, however, the less necessary to use every precaution against the further extension of this malady; and the measures recommended by those who have had the best opportunity of observing it, as most effective for this purpose, have been adopted.

existence of an establishment which has kept that at once fine and miserable country in a state of continual turmoil, from the barbarous reign of Elizabeth to the present day.

The subject of this paragraph of the speech is important beyond description. In another Register I shall examine what Mr. STANLEY said upon the subject. Here I have only room to observe, that it is utterly impossible to effect the two objects propounded, if it be meant by protection to the church, to take nothing from that church. It is very true that no good is to be done to Ireland, nor to The is ought to have been be, and England either, without securing inthe has, have, according to common ternal peace and order; but, then, alas! sense as well as to the rules of that peace and order, in Ireland at any grammar. As to the subject-matter rate, are wholly incompatible with the of this part of the Speech, it gives not the least alarm to us who have the happiness to live in the city of London, seeing that we have " Charley" Pearson, the chairman of our Committee of Health, who sends us round his rescripts, The conduct of the Portuguese Governcommanding us to white-wash our ment, and the repeated injuries to which my houses, scour our water-courses, wash subjects have been exposed, have prevented a our hands and face, keep our persons renewal of my diplomatic relations with that clean, and to abstain from over-drink- | kingdom. The state of a country so long ing, from keeping bad hours, and par-united with this by the ties of the most intiticularly from the use of ardent spirits mate alliance must necessarily be to me an to excess! Seeing "Charley" in correspondence with the Privy Council upon this subject, and perceiving that our paternal Lord Mayor has committed the keeping of our health to "Charley's care, for ourselves, we are perfectly at ease, but naturally entertain an anxious solicitude for our unfortunate fellowsubjects, on whom the Government and constituted authorities do not appear to have bestowed such peculiar care.

object of the deepest interest; and the return to Europe of the elder branch of the illustrious house of Braganza, and the dangers of a disputed succession, will require my most vigilant attention to events by which not only the safety of Portugal, but the general interests of Europe, may be affected.

The arrangement which I announced to you at the close of last session, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, has been followed by a treaty between the five

I always said that we should have a Bourbon GENDARMERIE; and now I about it, however; it cannot last long, suppose we shall have it. I care nothing and while it does last, it will be a curious spectacle for political philosophy to exercise itself upon.

Powers and the King of the Belgians, which police of the kingdom, in the more effectual I have directed to be laid before you as soon protection of the ablic peace against the reas the ratifications shall have been exchanged. currence of similar commotions. A similar treaty has not yet been agreed to by the King of the Netherlands; but I trust the period is not distant when that Sovereign will see the necessity of acceding to an arrange ment in which the plenipotentiaries of the five Powers have unanimously concurred, and which have been fra.ned with the most careful and impartial attention to all the interests concerned. I have the satisfaction to inform you that I have concluded with the King of the French a convention, which I have directed to be laid before you, the object of which is the effectual suppression of the African slave trade; this convention, having for its basis the concession of reciprocal rights to be mutually exercised in specified latitudes and places, will, I trust, enable the naval forces of the two countries to accomplish, by their combined efforts, an object which is felt by both to be so important to the interests of humanity.

Regarding the state of Europe generally, the friendly assurances which I receive from Foreign Powers, and the union which subsists between me and my Allies, inspire me with a confident hope that peace will not be interrupted.

These are matters of no importance to us, except the slave-trade affair, which will only make the merchants and planters of France hate LouisPhilippe and his Ministers, and that is a good thing.

Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

I have directed the estimates for the ensu

Sincerely attached to our free constitution, I never can sanction any interference with the legitimate exercise of those rights which secure to my people the privilege of discussing and making known their grievances; but in respecting these rights, it is also my duty to prevent combinations, under whatever pretext, which in their form and character are incom patible with all regular government, and are equally opposed to the spirit and to the provisions of the law; and I know that I shall not appeal in vain to my faithful subjects to second my determined resolution to repress a ll illegal proceedings by which the peace and security of my dominions may be endangered.

This is what the French call a bonne bouche; that is to say, a sweet little morsel kept for the last. However, I must say, that if the Ministers only mean to prevent or avert organization for arming, I think, too, that that is inconsistent with any-thing worthy of the name of Government; but, then, I include all volunteer armings; for, to suffer the rich to make a display of arms against the working people, is not only a villanous thing in itself, not only odious and detestable in its very nature, but is SURE to produce a total shifting of property from hand to hand; a total breaking up of the community, preceded by bloodshed, and followed by sufferings which no tongue can describe: but this is a large subject, which I shall treat of hereafter. In the meantime, I express my decided dissent from what is contained in General Cockburn's letter to Lord Grey, and from all those who talk about NATIONAL GUARD, and who apwhich have produced so extensive a destruc-parently forget what that National tion of property, and so melancholy a loss of Guard was which drove the Prussians life. I think it right to direct your attention out of France, and brought so many to the best means of improving the municipal haughty despots upon their knees. The

ing year to be prepared, and they will in due time be laid before you. I will take care that they shall be framed with the strictest regard to economy, and I trust to your wisdom and patriotism to make such provisions as may be required for the public service.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

The scenes of violence and outrage which have occurred in the city of Bristol, and in some other places, have caused me the deepest affliction. The authority of the laws must be vindicated by the punishment of offences

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At an early hour on Friday morning the courts of the Old Bailey were almost in a state of siege. Every approach to it was so crowded as to render the effecting an entrance by those who had business a matter of considerable difficulty at half-past seven o'clock. The galleries, it was stated by the officers of the Court, had been completely taken over night by members of the nobility, and a guinea for a seat was said to have been repeatedly refused. Mr. C. Phillips was expected to have conducted the defence, but having cases in the other Court, we understand that he declined, in consequence of this trial being likely to Occupy the Court till ten o'clock at night. Thirty-one witnesses were subpoenaed for the prosecution, and twenty-two for the defence. The whole of these parties were in attendance at eight o'clock, and conducted to a private room. One person, named Mortimer, who was to be a witness for the prosecution, cut his throat, and now lies in a very dangerous state. At ten o'clock Lord Chief Justice Tindal (who came expressly to try this case), Mr. Baron Vaughan, and Mr. Justice Littledale, entered the Court, with the Lord Mayor aud Sheriffs. The bench was instantly crowded with nobility and gentry, amoug whom we perceived his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex. The prisoners then being again placed at the bar, the Jury were charged with them. John Bishop was dressed in a smock-frock, and presented nearly the same appearance as an agricultural labourer, except that his expression of countenance, if we may so express it, was more tinged with metropolitan cunning.

Thomas Williams was dressed in a fustian jacket, with a brown handkerchief. He is rather a simple-looking man, under the middle size, and of extremely inoffensive appearance. He seemed to be as litle affected as any of the spectators.

James May is a more athletic man, of wiry make, and firm determined countenance. He handkerchief, and appeared to his arraignment was dressed in a fustian jacket with a yellow with a rather compressed lip and stern countenance.

The appearance of the prisoners as they were called up amongst a batch of other prisoners, showed no emotion which could indicate that they were charged with a more heinous offence than the pickpockets and housebreakers around them.

The Court was by this time nearly filled with fashionably-dressed persons, particularly females.

The counsel engaged for the prosecution were, Messrs. Adolphus, Clarkson, and Bodkin; for the prisoners, Messrs. Curwood and Barry.

The indictment charged that they, John Bishop, Thomas Williams, and James May, being malicious and evil-disposed persons, and but being under the instigation of the devil, not having the fear of God before their eyes, did, on the 4th of November last, in and upon the body of Charles Ferrari, otherwise called Carlo Ferrari, in the parish of St. Matthew, Bethual-green, feloniously and maliciously, aud of malice aforethought, commit an assault; and that they with a certain wooden staff of no value, there the said Charles Ferrari, otherwise Carlo Ferrari, did strike and beat on the back of the neck, and that they did by such striking and beating, feloniously, wilfully, and maliciously, give to the said Carlo Ferrari divers wounds and contusions, of which wounds and contusions the said Carlo Ferrari then and there did die. They were also indicted for another murder of a male person, whose name was unknown.

The clerk of the arraigns then asked, "John Bishop, are you guilty or not guilty?" Bishop answered, without any emotion, "Not guilty," as did also the others.

The prisoners were then told, that if they objected to any of the jurymen, they must do so before they were sworn. The names of the jurymen were then called over, and none of them objected to.

At a few minutes after ten the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas entered the Court with Mr. Baron Vaughan and Mr. Justice Littledale. The Jury were then charged, and Mr. Bodkin opened the pleadings for the prosecution.

Mr. Adolphus, in detailing the circumstances, said the jury could not but be aware that this was a case of great importance, from what had taken place for many days past; he was aware that no person could be unacquainted with the foul crime with which the prisoners were charged, but he implored the jury to remove from their minds all that they had previously heard respecting it, and to deliver the prisoners as they would deliver their consciences; aud he hoped they would not allow their minds to be biassed by what they had heard or read out of duo:s. He ob

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