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the stupid effrontery to say, that I have
called canters and hypocrites all who
think that Englishmen ought not to be
taxed in order to enable West Indian
owners to keep slaves. If the "school-
master" really be "abroad," it is evi-
dent that he has not yet called on Mr.
Prentice, who might advantageously
take a lesson on grammar as well as on
politics. The blacks may be Mr. PREN-
TICE's brethren, for any-thing that I
know or care; but the West India
proprietors and occupiers are the bre-
thren of Englishmen ; and Englishmen
have stood by and seen them taxed
without mercy; but have never paid
one farthing of tax for them.
In short,

risk of producing internal war and ge- sister, is also paid by the West Indies. neral bloodshed; and in the total ruin of This Mr. PRENTICE appears to know the only really valuable colonies which nothing at all about this matter, but has belong to this country. So much for the first falsehood of Mr. PRENTICE. Sufficiently malignant that falsehood. But, gentlemen, how shall I express my contempt of the man who could have put upon paper the second falsehood; namely, that I have branded also as canters and hypocrites "all who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed, "in order to enable the owners of estates in the West Indies to hold their "black brethren in thraldom?" There is no answer to a falsehood like this, other than that of calling the utterers of the falsehood by a name which need not be put upon paper, but which will suggest itself to every man. But, gentlemen, the thing to admire here is, the profound, Gentlemen, with regard to this Negro the gross, the worse than animal IGNO-question, this is what I have always RANCE of this Mr. Prentice, who sets said; that I never employed a slave for himself up as a teacher of politics to the a single moment in my life; that, in enlightened people of Manchester. He the abstract, I hate slavery; that it is does not know, then, that the old West an abomination to observe men to be India Islands have not taken from Eng-silent with regard to the sufferings of land, for ages and ages, one single penny the Irish, aye, and of the English too, in the way of tax; that, while millions while they are affecting to be shocked on millions have been squandered on the worthless colonies of North America, the West Indies have not only maintained their own internal government and paid the troops stationed there, but have been loaded with enormous charges in the shape of pensions and sinecures to the aristocracy of England. He does not know, then, that the great sinecures of the two WYNDHAMS, in virtue of which they have received nearly about a million of money, have been paid by the West Indies. He does not know then that governors, deputy-governors, all sorts of law officers, whole tribes of lords and ladies that we see swaggering about in England, draw their pensions from the West Indies. He does not know, then; this great politician does not know, that even the two famous pensions of the dead BURKE, which I have so often mentioned, and which are

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at the treatment of the Negroes, while it is notorious that there is no Negro slave who is not better fed and more kindly treated, not only than the halfstarved and hunted-down Irish; but also than the far greater part of the weavers of Lancashire and Yorkshire; that the question of emancipation of the Negroes demands the decision of a previous question, namely, whether it be desirable for us to keep the West Indies or not? For that without Negro slavery we cannot keep them. This is what I have always said upon the subject of Negro slavery, and we see that the colonies are now threatening to separate from us. But, Gentlemen, if any of you happen to have a twist upon this subject, is it not wonderful that you never ask how it is that the UNITED STATES are so happy and so free, while Negro slavery, more rigid than that which

still paid, are paid by the West Indies; held in more our West Indies, is up

than one-half of that

and that the famous pension to the two country? Let Mr. PRENTICE, that great HUNNS, Canning's mother and half-doctor in politics, explain to you how

that is; and when he has done that, first, that possessed by those who, being, and accounted to you for his more than perfectly thoughtless, are carried away animal ignorance with respect to our by mere sound; and the other part inbeing taxed for the West Indies, let habiting the heads of men full of prighim again pursue his RESOLUTION ish conceit. If these two descriptions not to pass over the defects and omis- of persons want a representative, whose sions of my Address. very simple business would be to keepWe now come to the CAVIL before on crying ballot, ballot, ballot, from the alluded to; namely, that my Address first of January to the thirty-first of said nothing about universal suffrage, December, with an occasional intermixannual Parliaments, and voting by bal-ture of the cry of universal suffrage, lot. And, what was I to talk about annual parliaments, and no Negro siathem for in this Address? I was not writing on the subject of the nature of reform: I was talking about the measures which I would endeavour to cause to be adopted if I were chosen as a Member of a Parliament called together under the bill which is now before the House of Lords, and to which bill I was willing, and am willing, to give a fair trial; and I, say further, that if a Parliament, constituted according to that bill, will give us the thirteen measures that I have described in my Address, No. 1, I shall be quite content with such a sort of Parliament; but if it will not give us those measures, then I shall be for a further change.

As to this matter, Mr. PRENTICE chimes in precisely with my friend, Mr. | PRICE, of Upton-on-Severn, who seems to be really in pain, to be absolutely sick, for the want of the sight of the word ballot everlastingly recurring in the Register, forgetting, apparently, wholly forgetting, that he worked like a horse to get Captain SPENCER in for the county of Worcester, upon the pledge given by the Captain, that he would support the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill, which bill said not a word about the ballot!

very. If this be what they want, I cannot serve them; but, to save them the trouble, I will undertake to find them one that shall. I will catch them a jackdaw, in my neighbour Lord Holland's new gingerbread church, that shall squall ballot, lallot, ballot, and deal forth the rest of the monotonous eloquence, to their heart's content, I warrant them; and having a sort of frill round his neck, and his head being slightly powdered, he may serve them in the double capacity of Member of Parliament and parson. This is the Member for them! In his diet, he will be very sparing; half a handful of soaked peas, with now and then a small bit of lean meat, will suffice. In his journies to Manchester and back again, he will be nearly as swift as the wind; and being a constant comfort, a constant source of hope to Mr. PRENTICE, while at Manchester, he may, in his journies up and down, fly off and pass an hour in consoling my friend, Mr. Price, at Upton. Say no more about it, then; the thing is done: he will be ready for the day of election, and I will warrant the thoughtless and the prigs, that the opening speech that he will make shall be such as to merit their cordial support.

Gentlemen, electors of Manchester, Now, gentlemen, having dispatched in so great a number of persons, how-this preliminary matter, and hereby ever enlightened, the mass taken as a promising you that nothing shall induce whole, there will probably be some few me again to notice, in my addresses to who are an easy prey to noisy, profes-you, any-thing that Mr. PRENTICE can sional men, who are as insincere as say, I now proceed to maintain, the they are noisy. These few persons are justice, the expediency and the practicathe depository of the nonsense of Man- bility of my thirteen measures, the first chester. It is the sense of Manchester, of which was described in the following and not, its nonsense, of which I am words :ambitious of being the representative. The nonsense consists of two parts;

1. To put put an end to all pensions, sinecures, grants, allowances, half-pay, and all B2

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other emoluments now paid out of the taxes, except for such public services as, upon a very scrupulous examination, shall be found fully to merit them; and to reduce all salaries to

the American standard.

BARING was one, fixed a scale of wages which would not give half enough of bread for the maintenance of a labourer and his family, to say nothing of meat

them in their old age. We know that the law sends a man to jail and to hard labour and bodily punishment of the most degrading kind if he will not work to maintain his wife and children. We If any one will look into the Pension- might ask how a labouring man is to list and the list of sinecures, he will lay by any thing, when the magistrates find that, generally speaking, they have in Hampshire and Wiltshire do not albeen granted to persons who it is im-low him enough barely to find bread for possible can ever have rendered any himself and his family. The magistrates public service whatsoever. A great of Hampshire, of which Sir THOMAS part of them are females: and whole families of them, male as well as female, stand on the Pension List. Lord ALTHORP, some time ago, said that these pensions were gifts of charity. Cha-and drink and clothing and lodging and rity! Good God! When the Catholic fuel. Church made its institutions of charity But in the few cases which, in this in this country, it acted on the principle state of things, enables a man to get tolaid down by the apostle; namely, that gether, by extraordinary good luck, that it was men's duty to give to the combined with almost more than mortal needy; but to give out of their own exertion, some little bit of property, a property, and even out of their own bit of ground or a cottage, how does the earnings; for, says he, "We worked law deal with him and with his property? "with our own hands,that we might have Let me rélate a fact. An old man, all "to give to him who needed." Our Go- his life-time a hard labourer, and then vernment has proceeded upon exactly at an age touching four-score, possessed the contrary principle; for it has taken two tenements worth fifteen pounds a the bread out of the mouth of the year or thereabouts. Upon the rent of working man, to give it to persons who these cottages, and upon the labour that did not need, in order to keep them in he was able to perform, he, at that exluxury and without work. "He who treme age, kept himself from the parish, will not work shall not eat," says the and hoped to do so for the remainder of Bible; but our Government says, by its his life. Now mark, he had had a son acts, He that will not work shall eat, who had had several children, and who and have plenty, and he that will work was dead, leaving the widow and these shall be half starved. Upon the Pen-children. The poor fatherless children sion-list there are two women of the were able to work and did work for the name of RICKETTS: there is, besides, a farmers of the parish, and their earnings RICKETTS who is the Collector-General were sufficient to maintain them. Now, for the county of Hants, with a large pray mark: the farmers gave them a salary. I want to know why we should certain portion of their wages in the keep these two women of the name of shape of wages; but, according to the RICKETTS; and can discover no reason custom which has long prevailed in the other than that they are related to Lady South of England, gave them part of NORTHESK and to Lady MILDMAY, their weekly pay out of the poor-rates; whose son has married one of the BA- which, according to the law, made them RINGS, and one of whose sons is a Mem- paupers. Being paupers, the law comber for Winchester. Lord ALTHORP pelled the grandfather to maintain them says that these are gifts of charity. Let if he had the means! And the parishus see, then, how this principle is ob- officers, by order of the magistrates, served in the treatment of the working went and demanded from the poor old classes. They are everlastingly re-grandfather a repayment of that money proached for not laying by something which they paid the children weekly of the earnings of their youth to keep out of the poor-rates. This money a

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mounted to a great deal more than the many as are actually in employ? How amount of the rent of the poor grand-comes it that we have about four-scorefather's tenements. "Aye," said the ambassadors and consuls in our pay, magistrates, "but you can sell the te- when about a quarter part of the numnements! "Yes," said the grand-ber is all that we have in employ, and father, "but then I must, at last, come which quarter part it is perfectly evident to the parish myself." "We cannot to me receive ten times as much money help that," said the magistrates! and as they ought to receive for their serthey were right enough. The law au- vices? Upon what principle is it that thorized them to do this thing: the law men are to be paid for life for having authorized them even to strip the old served, for an adequate salary at the grandfather of his last stick of property least, during a part of their life? When to keep even his grand-children; but a commissioner, a clerk, an officer in the law has not prevented our Govern- any service, ceases to be employed in ment from keeping the families of the that service, aye, and when a common aristocracy and their relations and de- soldier ceases to be a soldier, why is he pendents out of taxes imposed even still to be paid? If, indeed, he have, in upon this poor grandfather and his mi-a hazardous service, been deprived of his serable grandchildren. sight, or of any of his limbs, or have With regard to this class of persons, suffered any permanent grievous bodily not another word need be said: the harm, this is the last nation upon earth injustice of compelling the people at that would withhold from him the prolarge to maintain them is so monstrous, tection due to his crippled state. But, especially while the working classes are otherwise, what pretensions has he to a thus dealt with; it is so monstrous, that single shilling of pay after his services the very thought of it really half de- have ceased? Where, in the practice of prives one of one's senses. If such a men in general, do we find any analogy thing were proposed in the United to justify this species of expenditure of States of America, even in one single the public money? When a merchant, instance, the whole country would be a manufacturer, any tradesman or farin an uproar; and, if attempted to be mer, no longer requires the services of acted upon, it would tear up the go- an individual, he ceases to pay him. If, vernment, root and branch, in a week. indeed, these public servants were comSo much for pensions, sinecures, pelled to become such; were compelled grants, and all money given to people to give up pursuits of life in which they with a notorious want of any services were engaged, and to go into this new whatever to recommend them. But pursuit by the imperative commands of there are what are called allowances and the law; then it would not only be just half-pay, whether civil, military, or to make them an allowance when their naval. We have a prodigious army, a services were no longer wanted in their great navy, monstrous taxing and other new state of life; but it would be unjust civil establishments; but I very much not to make an ample provision for themr question whether all the officers of the for the rest of their lives. But, observe, army and navy and of those establish- these persons have not only voluntarily ments, who are in employ, take so much entered into the several services; but money in the year as those who have have sought for the services, and have been in those services or offices, and obtained them in general by means not have retired from them, or have ceased of the brightest description. What now to be in them. Otherwise, how claim have they, therefore, to any alcome we with three generals to every lowance, or any half-pay, or any penregiment of foot and of horse, with two sion, when their services are no longer admirals to every ship of the line, and required? They have lost, it will with, perhaps, four times as many com- be said, their habits and their fitness missioners and clerks now in pay, at for the ordinary pursuits of life; but some rate or another; four times as that is not the fault of the public:

they knew that they must lose those habits and that fitness before they entered into the service; and the answer to them is, that they should now set to work to re-acquire the necessary habits, or, that they should have saved, out of their salaries and pay, a sufficiency to maintain them during the rest of their lives; or, at any rate, to give them a start in some useful pursuit.

thing like this were to be made by any man in the United States of America, he must instantly flee the country. But, Gentlemen, electors of Manchester, when we have taken a view of the millions a year which this dead-weight swallows up; twice as many millions, observe, as are required to carry on the whole of the twenty governments of the United States of America, including their army and militia; including their great navy, and including also the interest of their remaining debt, which they have reduced to a mere nothing because they had no "dead-weight;" besides the money which this costs; besides the intolerable burden which this imposes upon us in the present day, do pray consider the scourge which it is providing for our children that are now in the

Mark, I beseech you, what is said to the working people. They are everlastingly told to lay by, in the days of their youth and strength, the means of sustaining them; aye, and even their children and grand-children, when that youth and that strength shall have been supplanted by age and by feebleness. To induce the working classes to do this, what bales of Acts of Parliament have been passed to encourage cradle. "Friendly Societies," parochial and even county Friendly Societies; to induce them to put even their farthings into that precious place of deposit called a Savings' Bank.. Handbills, dirty tracts, even sermons, have been poured out upon them to induce them to put by their pennies, at the expense of both their bellies and their backs; to the constant pinching of the former, and the constant exposure of the latter to the cold. What audacious insolence is this! With what contempt must these advisers view the intellects of the working people; while their earnings are taken from them to furnish allowances and half-pay to those who have lived like lords during the days of their active employment, and in order to furnish them with those means of living in their old age which they ought to have saved out of their salaries and pay.

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This "dead-weight;" these allowances, half-pay, and other things of the sort, have, since the peace was made, cost us nearly about one hundred and fifty millions of money; and unless we be [resolved legally to put an end to this system, this particular department must continue to cost us at this rate. Monstrous as this is, however, in this immense cost, and in the oppressions that arise from it, we see but a part of the evil. The persons who are maintained in this manner amount in number to more than twenty thousand. They have been encouraged to marry by a provision having been made beforehand for their wives and children; and with regard to the army, there the half-pay people have been allowed to sell their half-pay, and thus to perpetuate the burden by continually putting young men in the place of old men. All these people are This class of persons is that to which at work breeding gentlemen and ladies Castlereagh gave the name of the for us to keep; for as to work, that one "dead-weight," but far is this weight soul of them never will. See what a from stopping with the officers them-burden here is preparing for this devoted selves: it extends to their widows and nation! Three times twenty thousand their children, who are also maintained widows and children, perhaps, at this out of the sweat of the people; and very moment! At a hundred a year upon hus, while everlasting efforts are made an average, here is six millions a year to check the breeding of the working in store for us to pay; besides the pay classes, here is a high premium tendered to the officers themselves. Nay, the for the breeding of swarms of gentlemen evil by no means stops here; for, byand ladies. If a proposition to do a and-by, there will arise a necessity, an

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