He He said the Union had always, had difficulties to contend with; those difficulties were daily, nay, hourly increasing. The Union must be organised peacefully, efficiently, and legally. It is a sacred duty which we owe to ourselves and our friends. Therefore, when the plan is published, let every man act with promptitude; let every petty jealousy be forgotten, and the welfare of our country be the object, the only object of all. The office which he held, he held only for the benefit of the people.

of an impracticable character. again repeated, that no petty rising of the populace could effect the triumph of the bill, unless they had with them (as the Union has) the mind, the muscle, and the mass of the people throughout the country. But when they have these, why, if ever the law should be violated-if ever Polignac should come-we stand upon an impregnable rock to repel him, and defend the laws and liberties of our country. It required no little energy and power to oppose and defeat a sordid oligarchy. He hoped every little, low feeling Julius Cæsar, when he had conquered would be banished from the hearts of the world, did not venture to oppose the Unionists-that one closely-united the tyrants of Rome, until their conduct phalanx might be exhibited to meet any had condemned itself, and then he ex- coming emergency. The time was at claimed, "We will go where the gods hand when men's hearts would be tried. and justice call us." Here was an ex-In every society there must be leaders, ample for the people : let them adhere to the law, to the throne, and the Government, and put their trust in them until they deceive them. When they have deceived us-but deceive us they scarcely can we must have a cure lest they destroy us. If, indeed, the boroughmongers should throw out the bill a second time, they will destroy Lord Grey, unless the people save him. The proposed organisation will enable us to do this with effect, and, therefore, it was very important that this should The above is a mere skeleton of Mr. be done whilst the present Ministry are Attwood's address. It is evident that in power. The vile Standard is labour-the project now under the consideration ing to prejudice the mind of our excel- of the committee is one which must enlent King against the reformers. It is gage the attention of the public at large. said we caused the riots at Bristol; we, We shall lay before them the earliest who keep peace at home, go to excite information respecting it. The attendisturbance abroad! These wretched tion of the Council was then turned to insinuations may injure us; therefore let the late affair at Bristol, and to certain us make hay whilst the sun shines. Be facts connected with the Reform Bill. prompt and decisive. Mr. Attwood, in We shall report the whole to-morrow, the course of a long and powerful speech, One fact, however, we must now no• repeatedly urged the necessity of a peace-tice:-Mr. Pare read from a letter which ful demeanour on the part of the people. he had just received from Bristol, the

and the Union itself would have been powerless without the Council. The Council would be placed in dangerous circumstances if the boroughmongers should again triumph. Therefore he called upon the Union to take such steps as would enable them, if efforts were made to oppose the King or punish his Ministers, to arrest the hand of the destroyer, and vindicate the rights of Englishmen, the happiness of their homes, and the principles of law.

cognised the person who fired it, and he proves to be one of the special constables sworn in by the magistrates to protect the entry of Sir Charles Wetherell. The writer of the letter states, that upon inquiry being made into the whole of this unfortunate affair, some dark doings will be discovered.

important fact, that one gentleman to what he means to do. He is only whose house was burnt down has re-one, in number, of a Ministry; but, in the eyes of the people, he is the whole Ministry; and the people ought, by some means or other, to be, as quickly as possible, informed of what he is resolved upon. Two or three men, of excellent understandings, have told me, that they suspected it to be his intention quietly to resign, and retire home to his estate, leaving his successors to do what they could with the troubled nation. I have always opposed this opinion; for, besides the impolicy of it; besides the suspicion, the well-grounded suspicion, of connivance on his part, Lord GREY

cure a still larger room for their accom modation.

In consequence of the increasing anxiety manifested by the public to attend the meetings of the Council, a committee has been appointed to pro-would be justly chargeable with all the horrible works which would inevitably succeed such a step taken by him. And what apology would he have for such a step? That he found the obstacle, mentioned above? That would be worse than saying at once that he had changed his mind, and was no longer for reform! No; he never can do this thing: he never can devote his country to anarchy. His path is very simple: he has only to tell the people plainly, that he is determined to propose THE BILL again, and to keep his place, in order to do it, unless he be put out of his place. Let him plainly say that, and all will be well; the bill will be carried, and an end will be put to the turmoil, and the throne and the Peers and all will be safe. The people are every-where ready to support him; but they are in the dark as to his intentions. I do hope that many days will not pass before those intentions will be explicitly declured.

Now, my readers may be well assured, that Mr. Arwood did not say what is here imputed to him, without being thoroughly convinced of the danger, of which he spoke! In short, I believe, that the existence of the danger had been communicated to him in the most authentic manner; and that he had been chosen as the channel for conveying ihe alarm to the whole country! Every man of only plain common sense, who is at all used to estimate the value of words made use of in such a case, must see what is now the obstacle that Lord GREY has to contend with, and where that obstacle lies. Every such man must also see that the fate of the kingdom, as far as regards its peace and safety, now depends UPON HIM, and upon him alone. If he had, if he found the obstacle, on the 10th of October, resigned at once, and clearly stated the reasons, clearly described the obstacle, to the people, never should we have heard of the sad affair at Bristol, or of any of the affairs in any other part of the kingdom, which have so alarmed and terrified people of property. It is the state of uncertainty in which the people are that is the real cause of all the violence; the uncertainty in which the people are, not with regard to the will and wishes of Lord GREY, but with regard to his intentions; with regard

The following letter, which I take from the COURIER of Tuesday last, belongs to this subject. It is a most eloquent call on the people TO ARM. It is a piece of very able writing; but, which is more, it comes from a paper well known to be the mouth-piece of the Ministry.

Sir, I perceive you are averse from a general arming of the people. Allow me to state in a few words, for want of better arguments, why I am a lissentient from your doc

trine.

I take it for granted, ours is free state. At all events, we may consider it theoretically

so, though, I believe, the ideas of Lord Cas-shooting at a mark? Do we despise, in the tlereagh had of it was, that it was constitu- pride of our modern perfection in the arts of tionally and essentially oligarchical, merely death, the simple but effective weapons of our checked and modified by the independent ancestors? Were there not the conquering habits of the people; for, in answer to the times of Cressy and Agincourt, and these the Deputies from Italy, he is reported to have sinewy instruments that illustrated them t said, that freedom here was verily a custom, And do the rays of those crowns of glory beam and not one of the best we had. Well, taking with less lustre than those of Blenheim and it to be free, (and if the presumption be in- Waterloo? or do they not rather, in their podeed an error, it is at least sanctioned by all litical consequencês, throw a brighter refulconstitutional writers, without exception,) I gence on the historical scroll than these ever defy you to select any other free state, either will? ancient or modern, in which there exists an When incendiaries were hurling about the actual prohibition from carrying arms; yet fiend-like brand of destruction, last winter, this I believe to be the case in this very pane-who, that is an Englishman, but felt conscious gyrized free state.

that a moral degradation, proceed from what cause soever it might, had reduced to'an infuriated Lazzaroni the British peasantry? When the leaders of itinerant mobs were seized without difficulty, and abandoned by their dastardly followers without a struggle, who but confessed that the sturdy character of that most useful class of our countrymen had become deteriorated and lost? I own, I would rather they had made an obstinate old English opposition, even in a bad cause, than resembled the boors of Russia, and the serfs of Hungary, in their vengeance and their cowardice. The conduct of the men of Merthyr-Tydvil refreshed and consoled me. I approve heartily of the energy of the Government on that occasion; but I beg also to sympathise with the undaunted bearing of these iron-men.

Now I confess I am an advocate for teaching the people the use of arms. No nation can possess high moral qualities without courage. That courage must be exercised according to the fashion that the changing modes of warfare may suggest, or it will grow obtuse and rusty. It was remarked (by Lord Wellington, I think, but my memory is a porous one) as a proof of a very bad state of society in France, that the people there were obliged each to carry a musket in one hand, and his implements of industry in the other. This, which he regarded as a very bad state of society, regard as the very best. Let one hand guard, I say, the productions of the other. Woe to the state of which the sole defenders are mercenaries! I see no reason, either physical or moral, why the sword should not be laid upon the loom, and the same nerves clench In short, begging pardon for my diffusethe spear which welded the irou for its forma-ness, I think the exercise of arms would tend tion. Freemen should never give up the noble prerogative of self-defenceWith hearts resolved, and hands prepared, The blessings they enjoy to guard.

Arts and manufactures, and the sedentary habits of life which they heget, are naturally enervating; and the only way to counteract and neutralize their influence in this respect is, by the exercise of arms, and of the livlier passions which they bring into play. Bring me an instance of an industrious people who have been wholly kept from the use of warlike instruments, who have not fallen a prey either to foreign invasion or domestic tyranny. Is there a people more industrious, allowing for climate, than the Hindoos or the Chinese, in spite of it? Yet, the one nation has time immemorial been the spoil and slave of every subjugator; and the latter has long been under the gentle, and therefore politic yoke of the Tartars, who easily subdued it-aud why? Because the former confined the use of arms to a particular caste; and the latter neglected it altogether, trusting rather to stone walls and inanimate fortresses, than to living ramparts and indomitable spirits.

Besides, in the good old times of England, was not every man a soldier? Was not a mulet inflicted upon every one who did not keep his trusty yew bow, and who was not, at least weekly, instructed in the practice of

much to give a holder tone to society; to inspirit the milk-and-water courtesies, now deemed polite, which are as pithless as they are specious; to inspire a manly resolution and consistency, and to preserve effectually, not only from the actual contact of barbarian tyranny, but even from the more distant, but withering, influence of a Holy Alliance, an iufluence which, I fear, has already tarnished the balls, or blasted the strawberry leaves, of more than one English coronet.

Besides, somebody, and not a friend, has contemplated an appeal to arnis; else why the Tower-auother citadel of another Antwerpput into a state of defence? Why Fort Augustus, or some other fort in Scotland, victualled? Charles XII. instinctively put his hand to his sword in his dying moment; and corruption too, in her guilty agony, pointed to stronger circumvallations than Gatton and Sarum, The anti-reformers have troops. They regard (though I am sure those independent fellows would soon belie their expectations, were they called upon to act against the nation)-they regard the yeomanry as their armed fendal followers. On the broad principle of political expediency, I say, to arm one portion of the population against the other is most wicked, most tyrannous, and, in its ultimate consequences, as Ireland has proved, most anti-social. All should be armed, or none. I know the reimbodying of the yeo

manry was forced upon the present Govern-port your Majesty's present Government by ment; but it is their duty, in the bare possi- every constitutional means in our power. bility of their ejection from office, on the most "We deeply lament the refusal of the hypothetical surmise of a crash, or a convul- House of Lords to sanction the bill for a resion (which God avert), not to leave the people form in the Commons House of Parliament, of England in a worse condition, as to their upon which the hopes and expectations of the défence, than they found them. I am certain nation were intensely fixed. the Minister will not betray us; but we shall "We beg to express our unfeigned grabe yet in a stronger position if we be not in a titude to your Majesty for continuing your condition to be betrayed. Poland is fallen-confidence in an administration distinguished the voice of a dictator is again heard on the banks of the Scheldt and the Eurotas.

"Most Gracious Sovereign-We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the "That your Lordship's distinct and solemn nobility, gentry, clergy, and freeholders and public pledges to re-introduce into the legis inhabitant freeholders, in the county of War-lature measures of equal efficiency in restoring wick, assembled at a public meeting convened by the High Sheriff, desire most respectfully to approach your Majesty at this important crisis, to express our sincere, ardent, and devoted attachment to your Royal person, and our unshaken resolution to sup-united people,

That we have witnessed with increasing apprehension the rejection of the English Bill of Reform by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, without the deliberation of a committee, by which act the House of Lords has endangered all the institutions of Church and State, and hazarded the peace and prosperity of the nation.

cheers.) The great object was the bill; but though from the principle he would not swerve, from the means avowed necessary to carry it, he might be allowed to vary. After the manner in which the measure had been received by one branch of the constitution, he was disposed to regard the question as at an end, unless means could be found constitu"That the imputed reaction of public tional means—to carry it, and he hoped no opinion is a gross misrepresentation; that the one would resolve to see it carried in any way people are determined to support your Lord- than constitutionally. (Cheers.) What use, ship's administration against the prejudices he would ask, was the House of Lords, if, in and interested machinations of the opponents time of great public excitement, it could not of reform, and we implore your Lordship, thus exercise a deliberate judgment? (Cheers.) upheld by the nation, to place confidence in But it was said that this was a question which its resolute support of your Lordship's en- appertained exclusively to the House of Comlightened and patriotic measures. mons. What, is not the other House to enter "That we observe with deep regret the ac-tain a matter which deeply concerns the contive opposition to his Majesty's Cousels and Go-stitution? which concerns every man, whether vernment of persons holding official situations; and we respectfully implore your Lordship to terminate the disgraceful exclusion of men of liberal opinions from civil distinctions, and to recommend the constitutional exercise of all those royal prerogatives that may be now or hereafter essential to the success of the Reform Bill-energy and determination being essential to the maintenance and success of your Lordship's administration.

commoners or lords, in the community? He believed that the Upper House entertained their opinious honestly; but while he allowed them the utmost discretion in the exercise of their opinions, he did not think that they acted wisely in rejecting the measure before they had taken the means to examine its detail. (Cheers.)

"

Thus blowing hot, and then cold, his Lordship floundered through an address of considerable length. J. E. Denison, PRETTY CURIOUS! Esq., was present, and was greeted with the loudest applause by his former LIVERPOOL ELECTION.-DINNER TO friends. The toast of "The Members LORD SANDON.-Yesterday se'nnight a for the Borough was received with · public dinner was given to Lord San-hisses and cheers, amidst cries of “Ordon, at the Royal Amphitheatre, Liver- der" and much confusion. After the pool, in celebration of his late triumph Chairman had retired, a most extraor as a candidate for the representation of that borough. The preparations were on a most extensive scale. About 650 gentlemen sat down to dinner, and the boxes, as well as the gallery, were filled with ladies gaily attired. Amongst the latter were Lady Frances Sandon and Lady Charlotte Denison.

Some idea of the kind of reform to which the noble Lord is friendly, may be inferred from the following passage in his speech, which appears to be a thing of shreds and patches-a confused mass of ideas brought out by fits and

starts:

"They had just achieved a triumph which furnished a symptom that the affluent classes are not disposed to rend asunder the ties of the constitution, as some other persons appeared so desirous of seeing accomplished. (Cheers.) He felt that they had given a proud testimony that it was not their wish because an individual of high connexions came

dinary scene of disturbance took place, in the course of which several tables were upset, several glasses were sent flying across the room, and sundry black eyes were given and received. We understand that it arose partly out of a dispute about who should be chairman, and partly out of the old grudge between the Ewartites and the Denisonites. The two Members do not, however, appear to entertain the same jealousy towards each other that appears to exist amongst their partisans. They both dined together, after the above entertainment, with the Mayor and Corporation, in perfect good fellowship, and their healths were coupled in one toast, and drunk with unanimous applause.-Preston Chronicle.

Ay, ay! I thought that HARROW

among them to exclude him from the honour By's son would turn out to be a prime of representing them in Parliament. (Loud Reformer!