signed by a strong array of nobles and rich commoners, and individuals of influence and character. These are not surely symptoms of re-action.

no

be cut down in detail, the energy of the people would be damped; they would argue from these numerous failures of petty bodies to the failure of all atThe anti-reformers, we know, are tempts, and the cause of reform must beginning to hold their heads as high full to the ground; the boroughmongers as ever; and though there are would triumph, and the venerable Earl symptoms of any alteration of opinion GREY himself, whose life had been deon the part of the people, but, on the voted to reform, might be brought to contrary, everywhere evidence of a more punishment for his patriotic efforts." earnest determination to obtain an effi- It is proper that we should, at this cient reform; yet, SOMEHOW OR important crisis, be prepared for the OTHER, a belief is gaining ground worst. We have never doubted the that the path of Ministers is beset with honesty of Ministers, but we have algreater difficulties than they calculated ways doubted their power to perform on. That belief has travelled much impossibilities; we have always doubted; farther than the metropolis. At the their power to convert bishops into remeeting of the Birmingham Council, formers, and boroughmongering peers, held on Monday last, of which a report interested in the present system of pilwill be found in another column, Mr. lage of the people, into partisans of an Attwood observed, "he did not hesitate economical government. We never to say that the bill was in danger. It under-rated the task of Ministers; on had been rejected by the House of the contrary, we have always been inLords, and he feared it would be rejected clined to suppose that some of the again. But there were other circum- Ministry over-rated their own means of stances which he could not but consider. management. It requires no great art It was possible--he did not think it was to persuade a man to fill his pocket at probable—but it was possible—that our the expense of others; but a man must good and putriotic King may be in- be more than a conjurer, who can perduced, by the wiles of those who sur- suade another who can take what he round him, to withdraw his support from pleases from the pockets of others, to the bill. It was possible that the ma- forego that power. If Ministers can chinations of our powerful enemies may have a majority without the bishops, defeat the Ministers, and compel them the bishops may be reformers against to resign. And if (said Mr. A.) the their will; but if the majority is to be King, army, and navy, are transferred made by the bishops, they will play the to the power of the boroughmongers, old trick over again. why, then, I could not but feel the peculiar danger of my situation." It is obvious, from these remarks, that Mr. Attwood is suspicious. The advice he gave the members of the Union was important. "If the enemy (said he) could send spies to excite the people to rise in petty, unorganised, undirected bodies, in order that these bodies might

Mr. ATTWOOD says, "If the boroughmongers should throw out the bill a second time, they will destroy Lord GREY, unless the people save him. Let them adhere to the law, to the throne, and the Government, and put their trust in them until they deceive them. When they have deceived us—but deceive us they scarcely can-we must

have a care lest they destroy us. The proposed organisation will enable us to do this with effect, and therefore it was very important that this should be done whilst the present Ministry are in power.

Proceedings of the Council of the Bir mingham Union, on Monday, the 7th Nov. 1831.

In consequence of the Warwick Meeting being held on Tuesday, the CounThe council cil met on Monday. The meeting, as

will be placed in dangerous circumstances usual, was most numerously attended. if the boroughmongers should again triumph. Therefore he called upon the Union to take such steps as would enable them, if efforts were made to oppose the King or punish his Ministers, to arrest the hand of the destroyer, and vindicate the rights of Englishmen, the happiness of their homes, and the principles of law."

At West Bromwich, a very populous district, a new Union was formed on Monday last: spirited resolutions were passed, and "the old women in black aprons" were spoken of in terms by no means creditable to them. The feeling against the bishops runs very high in this neighbourhood; on the 5th of November they quite supplanted Guy Several plans of arming were sub- Fawkes. At the last meeting of the mitted to the Council, and referred to a Council a letter from Liverpool was Committee, which is to report on Tues-read by Mr. Pare, requesting all informday next. Mr. ATTWOOD urged expedi-ation which would assist certain patriotic tion, as a week, he said, was important. individuals there in forming a Union.

We warn Englishmen not to allow It was stated that many of the leading themselves to suppose THAT THEY men of Liverpool are anxious to see the CAN NOW REMAIN PASSIVE. A project carried into effect. Another time is coming when danger can alone anonymous donation of 50%. was rebe averted by showing that they are ceived. It was conveyed to the Secreprepared to face it. Ministers have tary in the following letter:much at stake; but we all of us have "Birmingham, 7th Nov. 1831. much at stake; for should WELLINGTON "Sir,-Having narrowly watched the proand the boroughmongers return to ceedings of the Birmingham Political Union from its commencement, I cannot help expower, they would endeavour to stifle pressing my unqualified approbation of its the desire for reform by an exercise of its favour to that of the country generally. patriotic conduct, and adding my testimony authority which would involve numbers Let your Council continue to pursue the same in great distress. They would not ulti-glorious path which they have hitherto

chalked out for themselves, and let their mately succeed; but in the meantime future proceedings be guided by the prudence, many a worthy man would be sacrificed. wisdoni, aud determination which have hitherto distinguished their proceedings, and Let us now show a bold front. He am convinced the salvation of our dear who is not with us now is against us. Being fully aware how essential pecuniary country will ultimately crown their efforts. Nothing but firmness and a determina- assistance must be to enable you to carry on tion on the part of the people not to be the great work you have undertaken, I beg your acceptance of the enclosed donation of trodden down, will enable them to suc-507. in furtherance of the great cause of Parliamentary Reform.-1 am, Sir,

ceed. Through the first opening given by timidity or faint-heartedness, the boroughmongers will pass.

"AN ARDENT. FRIEND AND ADMIRER OF THE BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL UNION.

This letter was received with loud bill contemplates a reform which bids cheers, and a vote of thanks to the pa-fair to lead to an adequate reform of all triotic donor was immediately carried. abuses; that bill, supported as it is, The testimony of the donor is as important as his donation is liberal. The general business of the meeting was unusually interesting. The conduct of the Lancashire reformers was noticed. The Council condemned the proceed ings of Mr. Hunt in the most unqualified manner. He called the Reform Bill "humbug" and "poison," and yet he had voted for that humbugging, poisonous measure. The Lancashire men should first rest satisfied with obtaining the bill as it now stands. If it did not produce the desired effects, they might then call for additional concessions; and they would be enabled, by the provisions of Lord John Russell's Bill, to call for such additions with sevenfold greater force than they at present possess.

must be carried; and if, when carried, it answers not the end proposed, the power of the people is seven times increased to effect what is wanting. Here, then, is a measure of peace, insuring a speedy and bloodless revolution. But Mr. Hunt's proposal, if acted upon, and if attempted to be carried by force, brings the people into an immediate civil war with the boroughmongers; many of the present friends of the people may forsake them-blood. will flow, and all the horrors of the first French Revolution will be renewed. If Mr. Hunt declares that he seeks not revolution, he seeks to confirm our slavery by proposing a measure which must be lost; for, if he seeks not revolution, he will forbid us to attempt the Mr. EDMONDS denounced Mr. Hunt triumph of our cause by arms, and we as the advocate of either revolution, or of must quietly resign ourselves to our confirmed slavery to the boroughmon- fate. The Lancashire men will, theregers. Ile was aiming at an impractica-fore, do well to reflect, that Mr. Hunt's ble measure. Was it likely that the proposal undoubtedly involves either peers would consent to a measure in- slavery or revolution, whilst the bill and cluding annual parliaments, vote by the Unions advocate a measure which ballot, and universal suffrage, when they must ultimately secure liberty, and comwould not concede a much more modi-plete the restoration of every happiness, fied measure? Does Mr. Hunt, then, without making wives widows, and mean to excite the people to fight for children orphans. the measure he proposes? If such be his determination, it was strangely inconsistent in him to urge Government to prosecute Mr. Edmonds merely for calling upon the people not to pay taxes, if the enemies of the present bill came into power? If he himself contemplates acts of ultra violence, why condemn a much more moderate and equally efficient measure of resistance, when proposed by Mr. Edmonds? The question is this-a reform, a full and adequate reform, is to be obtained. The

The above we consider the sentiments of the council respecting Mr. Hunt and the men of Lancashire; if, indeed, the feelings of the men of Lancashire are such as are proclaimed at the late comparatively small meetings at which Mr. Hunt was present.

Mr. CHARLES JONES, a very influ ential man in Birmingham, then brought forward his plan for the organisation of the members of the Union, upon the principle and for the objects which, in a former paper we elucidated. He had

).

received very great assistance in the ar-Union meant to follow. The effect of rangement of his plan from a gentleman the contemplated organisation will be,

whom he named, and who is a banker at Wolverhampton.

that if riots should occur in Birmingham, ten or fifteen thousand men will, in the After Mr. Jones had submitted his short space of two hours or less, be plan to the consideration of the Council, prepared, irresistibly, to vindicate the a second plan, differing but little from law, and restore the peace and security the first, was proposed by Mr. Ed- of the town. Mr. Edmonds particular. monds. Neither of the plans was ly insisted upon the truth, that if the adopted, but both were referred to the Unions show their strength, they will consideration of a committee appointed never have to exert it. The contem➡ for the purpose. The report of the plated measure will give additional committee will be brought up on Tues-credit to the Union. It will place the day next. We shall then lay the plan members more immediately under the adopted before the public. eye of the appointed officers, and any Mr. HIPKISS very judiciously observ-violent, illegal, or seditious conduct will ed, that in the proposed organisation, the draw upon the man who exhibits it Union will have to steer clear of two immediate expulsion. Thus, in 'whatgreat difficulties. On the one hand, they ever light the measure is viewed, whemust not trench upon the law, so as to ther as a conservative step to defend the be caught in its meshes; and on the peace when violated, whether as a supother, whilst they still act with, and for, port to the King and his Ministers, or the Government, they must not be os- whether as a means of enhancing the tensibly the tools of men who are in integral worth of the Union, it seems power, lest they thus cause a suspicion entitled to praise. Such is decidedly amongst the people that they are not the impression which exists among the firm, uncompromising friends of the Council. popular cause. The deliberations of Mr. Attwood gave his opinion upon the Council will be directed to the de- the subject in the most candid and fearvising of a plan which will secure the less manner. He did not hesitate to Union from either of these dilemmas. say that the bill was in danger. It had No time will be lost in completing the been rejected by the House of Lords, organisation. Mr. Attwood observed and he feared it would be rejected again. that no delay must be encouraged, for But there were other circumstances a week is important. Important, be- which he could not but consider. It cause circumstances may occur which was possible-he did not think it was will require the Union to preserve peace, probable, but it was possible—that our and defend the law, Government, and good and patriotic King may be induced, his Majesty. To convey some idea of by the wiles of those who surrounded him, the importance which the surrounding to withdraw his support from the Bill. Unions attach to the proceedings of the It was possible that the machinations of Union at Birmingham, we need only our powerful enemies may defeat the observe, that one member of the Coun-Ministers, and compel them to resign, cil stated that he, in his individual ca- And if, said Mr Attwood, the King, pacity, had received, during the week, three letters, inquiring what course the

army, and the navy, are transferred into the power of the boroughmongers, why

would instigate to violence. No crowd, however powerful and, determined in itself, can do any-thing effectual without a head. Not only would any petty effort fail, but those who made it would break the holy league which now exists between the King, the people, and the peerage. He said the peerage, for it must never be forgotten that all the old peers were for the people, and none but the upstart peers were against them. That league must not be broken, for in it the hope of the country is anchored. That league will give to the country a

then I could not but feel the peculiar danger of my situation. He knew that spies from the enemies' camp were in Birmingham; they might be then in the room, and he hoped they were, in order that they might see the determination of the Union to go with the law in defence of the law. He cautioned the Union and the people, whose happiness was his being, end, and aim, not to become the victims of the spies to whom he had alluded; if the people did but remain legally united respecting the law, they would not long be slaves; but if they allowed faction to arise amongst boon far greater than Magna Charta them, they never could be free. He illustrated this by the fable of the Bulls. If the enemy could send spies to excite the people to rise in petty, unorganised, undirected bodies, in order that those bodies might be cut down in detail, the energy of the people would be damped, they would argue from these numerous failures of petty bodies to the failure of all attempts, and the cause of reform must fall to the ground; the boroughmongers would triumph, and the venerable Earl Grey himself, whose life had been devoted to reform, might be brought to punishment for his patriotic efforts. Again he conjured the people not to listen to men who urged them to these partial risings, which never could succeed. If by their spies the borough-ple than the bill of Lord John Russell. mongers should induce the people to waste their strength wickedly, sillily, murderously, as they have done at Bristol, he for one should immediately despair of reform. The working classes can of themselves do nothing but plunder, and burn, and pull down so ciety upon their own heads. Therefore the members of the Union should, with spirit, act up to that clause in their regulations, which instructs them to consider as their enemy any man who

itself; for Magna Charta only destroyed the tyranny of a King, to erect that of the barons; but the bill of reform will destroy the tyranny of all, and erect on its ruins the liberty of the people at large. He would say the same of the Bill of Rights, which only transferred power from the hands of one faction into the hands of another, which has scourged the people more severely than the former did. Mr. Attwood briefly referred to the Lancashire reformers. He did not condemn annual Parliaments, vote by ballot, and universal suffrage; but really he could not say whether a bill, in which these were included, would or would not be more favourable to the happiness of the peo

Mr. Attwood's sole object was to see a state of things which would give the poor man honest food for honest labour, and which would make the employer as dependent upon the employed as the employed upon the employer. If he found that the present measure would not lead to this happy and natural state of things, why then he would go for something else. But he never would forego a certainly practicable and salutary measure for one which is at present