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NORTH AMERICANS AND ENGLISH BOROUGHMONGERS.

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could have secured the copy-rights of" draw in our horns pretty quickly.” ten or twelve books in the United States, Now, this is only one conversation of which have been re-printed there with the sort out of many; and the thing is out any leave of mine, and which go so obvious, that there needs no fact of thence to the West and East Indies, this sort to cause it to be believed. I which copy-rights I could not secure have received whole files of American because I did not take up my citizenship, newspapers of the date of this present which would have cost me half-a-year, and they all teem with ridicule or crown. But, if I had once contracted this engagement with the United States, I should not have thought myself free to do that with regard to them which I would now do if I had the power, and which will assuredly be done, if boroughmongering be destroyed.

abuse of the Reform Bill of Lord Grey; and all clearly indicate a wish that it may be defeated. This reviewer's observation that all the institutions of England stand on the same footing as the voting at Old Sarum, puts me in mind of a very clever politician at New York, who, when I had been railing against the rotten boroughs, and Old Sarum in particular, got up from his chair, came across the room to me, and, giving me a tap upon the shoulder, whispered in my ear, "Don't abuse Old Sarum, Cobbett, it is our best friend." Thus they all think, and thus they have always thought since I have known any-thing. Pray mark, Sir, with what

It is not necessary, Sir, for me to trouble you with a particular description of the line of policy which England ought to pursue with regard to the United States; nor is it necessary for me to show you how easily she would be able to do it, if relieved from her intolerable burdens; much less is it necessary for me to show that the destruction of boroughmongering will relieve her from those burdens; it is only ne-joy the Americans receive the news of cessary that I convince you that the American politicians believe that the Reform Bill, if passed, will put an end to their hope of being the rivals of England upon the seas, and also put an end to that saucy security which they now enjoy in consequence of the feebleness of England, and which feebleness they know well to arise from the burdens which press her people to the ground. A little while before my last return from America, an English friend of mine was asked by one of the Ministers at Washington what I was going back to England for? He answered, to try to get Parliamentary Reform. "Poh!" said the Minister, "he'll never succeed." "I hope he will," said the Englishman. "Do you," said the Minister, why you are a citizen of the "United States; you have your fortune " and family here; this is your country now, and you ought to wish for the good and safety of it." "So I do,' said he, "but I may wish well to England too" "Yet," said the other, "but not wish for the Government to "be taken out of the hands of the bo"roughmongers; for, if it be, we must

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revolutions in France, in Belgium, in
Poland! What dinners, what boastings,
what processions, what carrying of flags
there are then in their great cities!
Compare these with the glum silence,
succeeded by dark doubts, and these
succeeded by abuse and ridicule, with
which they received the news of Lord
John Russell's Bill! Ah! but the re-
novation of France, of Belgium, or of
Poland, tended to give no strength
which might be dangerous to the
United States It is England only, of
the freedom and the strength of which
they are afraid. They rejoiced with
exceeding great joy at the emancipation
of the Catholics of Ireland. They had
their dinners and their toastings without
end, with Wellington's statue stuck
upon their tables, and decorated with
laurels and with garlands.
Ay, but
that they looked upon, though errone-
ously, as a triumph over England.

Is not this enough for my Lord Falmouth? Does he want more to show him the great weight which his quotation ought to have in preventing the bill from being passed? If he do, let him reflect on the great immediate loss,

besides the distant danger, that this Catholics in both houses, relative to the Reform Bill will cause to the United Reform Bill :States. The drain of specie and of most "Allon Tower, Oct. 11. valuable persons from England to the "Sir, I beg leave, through the medium of United States has been for several years your spirited and patriotic paper (if you will past at the rate of a million of pounds a lection of the public, that out of 19 Catholics allow me to do so), to bring it to the recol-. year, or more, and at about the rate of who sit in the House of Commons, only one five thousand persons. People have voted against reform, and he sits as the repregone who have carried letters of intro- sentative of a close borough, and therefore duction from myself, carrying out with cannot be considered as a free agent. Aud out of the nine Catholic Peers in the House of them more than two hundred thousand Lords, we have again but one solitary vote pounds in gold. Let the bill pass, and Let the bill pass, and against the bill, and that from a nobleman not another man of property will ever who has hitherto ever signalised himself as go. Amongst all the people that are the poor. While the country has, therefore, the friend of the people, and as the advocate of enemies of reform the land-jobbers of cause to rejoice in the admission of Catholics America are the very greatest, the to their legislative rights, surely that false and boroughmongers not excepted. The absurd notion, that as Catholics we are the oppressions arising from a want of reenemies of freedom, and the sticklers for form are a perennial spring of profit to Look, sir, at the reformation now carrying arbitrary power, will now be exploded for ever. these crafty knaves. They would like, on in the Papal states, where the Sovereign, rather better, anarchy, confusion and re- though both Prince and Pontiff, has the volution, stirred up by degrees, and wisdom and magnanimity to yield to the just giving people time to get away to Ame-able contrast to the folly and bigotry of our demands of his people, exhibiting an honourrica; and, finally, to tear England to Protestant hierarchy, who, by their betrayal pieces, and make her feeble for half a of the country upon the present occasion, have, century, while they were swaggering proved themselves unworthy of the possession about over the world, "purchasing" your time in descauting upon these facts; it is of political privileges. But I will not waste half Mexico and all Cuba, as they sufficient that I have drawn your attention to "purchased Louisiana." This is what them, confident that they will be duly apprethey would like best; but Old Sarum ciated by every honest Englishman, all of suits them very well; and being a pru- in the rallying cry of "The bill, the whole bill, whom will, I trust, at this eventful crisis unite dent people, they are for letting well and nothing but the bill;" for it is the bill alone. enough alone; and hence the profound that can do justice to the people-that cau depublication which Lord Falmouth has stroy the oligarchical character of our governhad the profound sagacity to quote in ment; and, while it scares away the revolu tionist, and blights the hopes of the anarchist, opposition to the bill. can establish the institutions of the country upon a safe and solid foundation. I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant,

2

"SHREWSBURY."

If I had not already trespassed too long on your time, I would beg permission to add a remark or two on what Lords Falmouth and Caernarvon said about me, during this debate. That however is a matter of too little consequence to in-Sir Thomas Constable. duce me to lengthen that which is already too long.

The two Catholic Tories alluded to in the above letter are, Lord Arundel, and

I remain, Sir,
Your most obedient, and
most humble Servant,
WM. COBBETT.

CATHOLICS IN PARLIAMENT.

THE following has been addressed to the editor of the Sun, by the Earl of Shrewsbury, upon the conduct of the

THE BISHOP OF LONDON AND THE
PARISH OF SAINT ANNE, WEST-
MINSTER.

The following is a copy of a hand-bill distributed yesterday in the above Parish :

"ST. ANNE, WESTMINSTER. "The Parishioners are respectfully in

formed, that the Rev. Dr. Macleod, the Rector, has received a letter from the Lord Bishop of London, stating, that his Lordship is un

avoidably prevented from preaching in this
Church in the Morning of Sunday next.
"JOSEPH SHARPE,

"THOMAS HOPKINS, Churchwardens. Oct. 21, 1831."

lution:

Kensington, 1st. Oct, 1831.

FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN,

IF the affair of the BARINGS and Mr.. and Mrs. DEACLE, involving the alleged conduct of other persons, and particularly that of the magistrate, Long, of Pre

Unavoidably prevented! There is, however, more here than meets the ear. The right rev. Father in God had heard from some tax-shaw; if this affair affected only the gatherer or other personage of the sort, that it parties; if it were merely a wrong was the intention of the congregation to leave the church in a body, to mark the detestation alleged to have been done by some in which the Bishops are held the moment he persons to some other persons, all private entered the pulpit. The following communica- parties, then it would not be of that tion (the author of which is known to us) states great importance which it now is. If a that 1100 parishioners had come to this reso-powerful man, in his private capacity, "SIR,-The public have had notice of the had done some wrong to a poor neighintention of the Bishop of London to have re-bour, it would be a subject worthy of opened our parish church (which has been the attention, and fit to call forth the undergoing repairs) on Sunday next, Oct. 23, resentment, of all the people of the 1831, but his Lordship has thought proper to decline his intended services, as he states him- neighbourhood. But, here the evil self, in a letter to Mr. Macleod, the rector, to could not be extensive: here would be be "unavoidably prevented;" at least such is a bad man doing a bad act; but not an the excuse in some bills at this moment dis- act likely to operate to the injury of the tributing in the parish. The fact is, the spirit whole community. Not so in a case for reform is so rooted in the heart of every honest man, who is therefore anxious to show where magistrates and men acting under the contempt in which he holds the enemies public authority commit acts of oppresto our just rights-the Reform Bill-that it sion; for in this case, the example may was the determination of the major part, or, indeed, I may say, the whole of the inhabitants endanger the whole of the community; of this and other parishes, to have attended the cause of the oppressed party is the the church on Sunday next not to hear his cause of every man and woman making Lordship, but on his reaching the pulpit to part of that community; for the oppreshave instantly quitted the church. I myself sion which has been thus exercised on know of 1100 persons who had made up their minds to have received his Lordship with that one party to-day, may be exercised on contempt with which he and his colleagues have another to-morrow, and the magisterial treated the honest demands of the inhabitants office, instead of being a terror to evilof every parish in the kingdom. doers, and a reward to those who do well, may become the general scourge of the innocent, and a terror to those only who are unable to resist the strong arm of power.

"A PARISHIONER."

TO ALL THE

PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,

SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND,

BUT PARTICULARLY TO

It is in this light that I take up this matter, and with all this solemnity lay it before you. I do not take upon me to pronounce whether the allegations

THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE, against the BARINGS and LONG be true

ON THE

AFFAIR OF THE

BARINGS AND THE DEACLES.

or false; but I know that they have been made; that they have been made in the most solemn manner; that the parties making them have pledged them"Never esteem men merely on account of selves to prove them to be true; that they "their riches or their station. Respect good-have prayed the House of Commons to

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66 ness, find it where you may. Honour talent wherever you find it unassociated with vice; suffer them to produce proof of that truth; "but honour it most when accompanied with and that the House of Commons, upexertion, and especially when exerted in the cause of truth and justice; and, above all

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"things, hold it in honour when it steps for "ward to protect defenceless innocence against "the attacks of powerful men:"-COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAMMAR, Letter XXIII,

on the motion of the Ministers them) selves, have resolved not to let them produce that proof, while they call the accused parties their honourable friends, and declare, upon the honour of gentle

whole course of my life; except that I have seen Sir THOMAS BARING twice at public meetings at Winchester. I never had any transaction with a BARING, either directly or indirectly, in the course of my life.

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men, that they believed them to be innocent. Many of you will remember that, on the 11th of May 1809, Mr. MADDOX made a motion for leave to produce proof at the bar of the House of Commons that PERCEVAL and CASTLEREACH had sold a seat in that House to What reason, then, can I have for a Mr. QUINTEN DICK. A great majority doing any thing against the BARINGS, of the House declared that they believed other than some public reason? When the parties innocent of all blame; but LovELL and Cook were up at Kensington that same great majority voted that they on the day before my and SIR THOMAS would not hear the evidence produced. DENMAN's trial; and, when they were Those who are of my age, or above about to give me an account of the thirty years, can recollect the unani- transactions which formed the subject mous indignation which that vote ex-of the affidavits which they made, and cited throughout the country; and which will be found inserted in the pubthere is no man who is at all ac-lished account of the trial, I said, to quainted with these things who does LOVELL in particular, "Now, Lovell, not well know that that refusal to" mind, I hate the Barings; and, therehear the proof offered by Mr. MADDOX,"fore, do not you say any-thing that was a blow which that House has never you may think will please me :: 'tis recovered. "not necessary that I should tell you It is my desire, and it shall be my en- "why I hate them; but it is right for deavour, to lay the whole of this matter" me thus to put you upon your guard; before you with perfect fairness and im-" and, as you work for the BARINGS, partiality; and before I enter upon it," and apparently find them good masters it seems to me necessary that I should" to you, tell them what I say if you satisfy you that I have not, in this case, please." I have never disguised my any personal motive whatsoever, arising out of any reason that I have to have any particular liking or disliking for either of the parties. I think this necessary, because I have been informed that the BARINGS have given it out that But, my friends, though I did not I have some personal grudge against think it necessary to tell LOVELL the them; and I believe that they have thus reason why I hated the BARINGS, I will given it out, because I see it stated in tell you; and then let it go, if you like, the Morning Chronicle, in a paragraph in abatement of any-thing that you purporting to be a report of a speech of shall find bear against them in this ALEXANDER BARING, that a powerful paper which I am now about to write. "writer" (meaning me) "had stated have always, since I had understanding "that he would ruin the BARINGS." of these matters, hated public loanNow, I once received a very short and makers; because I know full well that civil letter from Sir THOMAS BARING, their works have been the ruin of my which I immediately answered in a country; that these works have caused most satisfactory manner and with equal misery indescribable to the people of civility, touching a mortgage of which this kingdom; that at this moment, he became the manager, in consequence these works cause more than one half of his having become the executor of of the tax upon malt, upon hops, upon the mortgagee. With this exception I sugar, upon all that we consume; benever wrote to a man of the name of cause I know, in short, that they have BARING, nor received a letter from a man of that name; I never, to my knowledge, saw a man of the name of BARING; much less did I ever speak to one, in the

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dislike to them; and have never desired that any-thing that I said about them should not experience any abatement that this well-known dislike might entitle it to.

I

made this England, the working people of which were once the best fed and best clad in the world, the seat of a race of miserable ragged beings with half a

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"gold. Much less would I be thought to re"flect upon the fair merchant, whose liberal wealth. I esteem his occupation, aud recommerce is the prime source of national spect his character."-Speech of the great Earl of CHATHAM in the House of Lords, on the 22d of November, 1770.

belly-full of victuals. My friends, to show you that this is no new opinion of mine, and to show you also that the greatest and most virtuous statesman that this country has known for two hundred years entertained a similar hatred towards loan-makers, I will These were the opinions of the last really wise and upright statesman that England has here insert part of a speech of the had. He detested these money-lenders, whegreat Lord CHATHAM, made in the ther walking on foot or drawn by six horses; House of Lords on the 22nd of Novem- he called their immense profits "plunder; ber, 1770, that is to say, sixty-one years upon the plunder of the ignorant, the inno he charged them with living in riot and luxury ago; and to show you how long this cent, the helpless, who stood in most need hatred has existed in my bosom, I will of, and best deserved, the care and protection take this part of the speech from my own of the Parliament. He expressed his detestation of this description of men; of all these Register, in which I inserted it as a contractors aud jobbers and remitters, whom motto on the 25th of January, 1806, he contradistinguished from the fair merlong before the BARINGS became con- chant aud honest and industrious tradesman, spicuous in a hundredth part of the de-whose occupation he esteemed and whose character he respected. Now, I have never gree that they have now become conspicuous; and long before their loan-expressed detestation of the BARINGS; I have never spoken of them in terms a hundredth making transactions had even been a part so harsh as this great nobleman spoke of subject of observation with me. Now, the whole race. If these were his sentiments then, take the words of this famous theu, how would he have expressed himself now? Have I not, then, a right to have my English statesman :opinions and my feelings with regard to this race of men as well as he or anybody else? This family, the very beginner of which has not had his name known to the public more than about thirty-four years, and who was mere merchant's clerk, or something of that sort, about forty-six years ago; the very father of all this race would not now, if he were alive, be able to claim a standing in society for more than thirty-five or thirty-six years, at the utmost; and this family, who have twenty-eight thousand acres of land in one spot in Hampshire, have, in England, if I am rightly informed, upwards of a hundred and twenty thousand acres of land, besides houses countless in number; besides mills; besides church livings. In short, they possess half a dozen lords estates; and though I accuse them of nothing unlawful in getting all this; though I impute to them nothing that is called cheating or robbing or swindling, or any-thing. unlawful, I am sorry that they have it, and I.

"There is a set of men, my Lords, in the "city of London, who are known to live in riot "and luxury upon the plunder of the ignorant, "the innocent, the helpless; upon that part "of the community which stands most in "need of, and that best deserves, the care "and protection of the legislature. To me, "my Lords, whether they be miserable jobbers "of 'Change Alley, or the lofty Asiatic plun"derers of Leadenhall-street, they are all "equally detestable. I care but little whether "a man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight "horses or six horses; if his luxury be sup"ported by the plunder of his country, I de"spise and detest him. My Lords, while I had the honour of serving his Majesty, "never ventured to look at the Treasury but "at a distance: it is a business I am unfit for, "and to which I could never have submitted. "The little I know of it has not served to "raise my opinion of what is vulgarly called "the 'Monied Interest; I mean that blood-hate and abhor the system of Government un"sucker, that muck-worm, that calls itself "the 'friend of government;' that pretends to "serve this or that administration, and may "be purchased, on the same terms, by any "administration; advances money to govern"ment, and takes special care of its own "emoluments. Under this description I in"clude the whole race of commissaries, job"bers, contracters, clothiers, and remitters. "Yet I do not deny, that, even with those "creatures, some management may be necessary; and I hope, my Lords, that nothing "I have said will be understood to extend to "the honest industrious tradesman, who holds the middle rank, and has given repeated "proofs, that he prefers law and liberty to

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der which they could have acquired it, without any talent beyond that of mere ordinary tradesmen; without having performed any one thing meriting public gratitude or ap plause; without any one of them having done any-thing to benefit or reflect honour upon the country or its institutions. If I be asked what is it to me how many estates they have, and how many noblemen and gentlemen they have supplanted, I say, It is something to me, and a good deal too. I have a right to feel concerned for the good and the honour of the country. I know that there can be no good and happy community, aye, and no real freedom, unless the people be governed by that natural magistracy which grows out of long

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