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and who suffer the bill to fall without the people to keep you there; because, falling themselves; that is to say, fall, while you are there, while Lord in their sense of the word; but fall in GREY is there, and while the peoreality they will in the estimation of ple can be prevailed upon to indulge every just man in the world, if they but hopes from his being there, all is safe whisper a proposition of any-thing short with the boroughmongers; the people of this bill. All over the country the will, of course, hardly refuse to pay hooks are out for addresses to the King, taxes to Lord GREY, while they are to declare to him the confidence that the calling upon his Majesty to keep Lord people have in his present advisers; GREY, the first Lord of his Treasury: which, I think, is really the most bare never was there a neater and deeper faced, the most profligate hoax upon the contrivance in the world, except that of people that ever was attempted to be a woman, who, seeing her rough husband practised. The people, however, seem coming with a broomstick to beat her, generally to have bit at the hook; ran to the cradle, and, catching the some busy slave, or some credulous child up in her arms, exclaimed, "Ah! good man, is every-where found to aid there, kill the child; do, you murderer!" in cheating them. Even at Birming-This is precisely what the boroughham, where one ought to expect to see mongers are saying to the people; and, good sense prevail, the following para-as those who, like the Birminghamites, graph will show that the hook has are beseeching the King to keep Lord taken; that the bait has been swallowed: A requisition to the High Bailiff "is in course of signature, requesting "that he will convene a Town's Meeting for the purpose of expressing to "his Majesty, by address, the deep re"gret and bitter disappointment felt by "the inhabitants at the rejection of the Reform Bill by the House of Lords, "and declaring their unabated confi"dence in the enlightened patriotism, "wisdom and firmness of his Majesty's "confidential advisers. The meeting "will, in all probability, take place in "the middle of the week."

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Grey in his bosom; will, of course, abstain from violence of every sort, all the purposes of both the parties are answered.

And now, my Lord Chancellor, I have shown you that, however difficult it might be to see to the bottom of this muddy pool, I see to the bottom of it; and I venture to assure you that the public will not be far behind me.

WM. COBBETT.

CREATION OF NEW PEERS.

I BEG my readers to read the followI have no doubt that the leading mening, taken from a pamphlet, just pubof Birmingham have been grossly im-lished by Mr. Ridgway, entitled a Letter posed upon; but if they have a mind to to Lord Grey, on an Adjustment of the retain their influence over the people, House of Peers.

let them take care how they become, wittingly or not, the tools of the Go

The question which at this moment

vernment. What! hear from the Mi-agitates the country from side to side, is nisters themselves that they will not fall with the bill, and still call upon the King to repose confidence in them!

However, now we see all the motives for the motion so nicely got up by Lord EBRINGTON: Now we see that there was a firm resolution not to fall with the bill, even before the bill fell. The enemies of reform like, of all things, that you should not fall with the bill they like that you should remain there, and that theKing should be called upon by

whether a system of governing by means of the fictitious constituencies technically called rotten boroughs, shall be continued or not. Those who are interested in them say Aye; and every body else says No. The case has been brought before the peers, and the peers have given a majority of their voices to the former. The inquiry consequently set ou foot, is, What are the descriptions of peers that constituted this majority, and in what degree does justice demand

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1. That among the old Peers of the United Kingdom there was a majority of two in favour of the Second Reading.

2. That among the new Peers of the United Kingdom (including the creations under the present ministry up to the time of voting) there was an exact balance; and consequently the creations made under the present ministry were precisely and to a unit the number required to balance the influence of the peculiar system under which the new Peers, or part of them, had been created.

3. That (after adding the votes of the three Royal Dukes, which leave a majority of 1 in favour of the Second Reading) the 42 votes which finally made the majority of 41 in the opposite direction, were the votes of

that they should severally be neutralized
by the exercise of the constitutional
power of the crown. The exercise of
this power, to the extent which justice
shall be found to demand, is what is
intended by the title of Adjustment of
the House of Peers. The first requisite
for the inquiry, is to find a test by which
to measure the extent of what will for
clearness be denominated the rotten
borough influence among the peers of
the United Kingdom. And here the
course must be, to take a period from
which the marked expansion of the in-
fluence in question may fairly be dated;
and then judge of the different effects
upon the peers created before and after
such epoch, by comparison of the votes
of the two classes of the present question.
No objection can be made to assuming
for this epoch the conclusion of the year
1792. There may be disputes whether
the entire system was not a good,—
whether it was not a thing to thank
Heaven for, and a wonderful invention
of human genius for the advancement of
a nation's welfare ;-but waiving ques-which is-
tions of this nature, there can be no
dispute that at all events it made a pro-
digious start at the conclusion of 1792.
The French war, which was a war for
the preservation of the rotten boroughs,
was the immediate exciting cause;
which ascertains with chronological
exactness the æra of the effect. An
analysis, then, of the votes on the Second
Reading of the English Reform Bill in
the House of Peers presents the following
results:

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FOR.

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2

21 Bishops against 2; being above 10 to 1.

12 Scotch Peers against 4; being 3 to 1.

19 Irish Peers against 4; being nearly 5 to 1.

The inference from the whole of

That the people of England cannot have their reform because it does not please the bishops and the Scotch and Irish Peers.

The question which consequently arises is, whether

First, the Bishops,
Secondly, the Scotch,
Thirdly, the Irish Peers,

are or are not in the category which de-
mands,-not as an act of favour, but of
fairness, not in the character of a coup
d'etat, but as a portion of that every-day
justice which the sovereign is bound to
execute on every day when the occasion
may present itself,-their immediate
neutralization by the exercise of the
power lodged for that purpose by the
constitution.

There are some powers lodged by the constitution which never have been exercised; from which a strong argument 4 might be derived against their exercise at the present time. But this is not one of them, for it has been exercised, and exercised one way, viz. against the people. There is no reason therefore, in the outset, why it should not in turn

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Of the Archbishops and
Bishops

21

Of the Representative Peers

of Scotland

12

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1

199

158

It appears, therefore,

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be exercised in their behalf. And first," should be opposed upon some English of the Bishops, it may be asked, whe-" object, that the carrying of the English ther as conscientious and honest men object shall be prevented by the peers they will deny, that they or most of" of Scotland? "the answer would inthem are individuals picked for their stantly have been, "No; there is a prozeal and talents by former ministers, to“ vision for such a case as that; there be placed in the House of Peers for the" is the power of the King to make express purpose of upholding the system" sixteen new peers." Without an unof those ministers by their votes when- derstanding of this kind, the Union with ever the occasion should arrive. It is Scotland would have been totally imnot mentioned as matter of blame to practicable and unreasonable; no man them; the sin and duplicity would be, durst have proposed it; no man would if it were possible it should be denied have submitted to it: the existence of 'that they are the élite of the troops of the Union is evidence of the existence former administrations, distinctly posted of the right. where they are, for the purpose of act- If it should be asked whether peers ing against the present. And if so,-is will be created to support the peers the country bound to submit a secular of Scotland in resistance to Scotch question to their votes, when the con- Reform, the answer is, that the nestitution has provided the moderate and cessity of Scotch Reform is conceded perfectly pacific measure of neutralizing on all sides. The parallelism of the them by the introduction of new Peers! case is a non est inventus. Of the Of the representative Peers of Scot- Irish representative Peers, the most land a different view must be taken. It moderate, conciliatory, and tranquilis not intended to deny, that they are a lizing thing that can be done or said, is highly respectable, and even venerable, to point to their names and ask them remnant of the feudal ages; possessing whether it is not the boast and glory of much of the interest attached to the the greater part of them, that they relics of gone-by greatness, and the dig were selected for their personal merits. nity of decay. It is not intended to as- and capabilities in support of one side of sert, that, though they undoubtedly the great question now at issue; and gratified their own inherent notions by whether they can in honour aver, that falling in with the opportunity the bo- in this light they are fair referees for rough system offered them, they were the English people, without an equal the creatures of the Ministry for the time number being put in on the other side. being, or are to be viewed in any light It may, in the actual circumstances of a but as a race of faded territorial sover-country, be avowedly proper and expeeigns, whom the progress of the times dient that the decision of a question has happily deposed. But what it is should be referred to the ancient magintended to assert, is that the Peers of nates of the land. But it never can be Scotland are not the men to settle an fair, that it should be referred to a porEnglish question,-that they were not tion of them selected by the influence brought into the House of Peers for direct or indirect of one of the parties at any such purpose, and that the mode issue, without the other party having the and instrument through which the opportunity at all events to put in an constitution provided against their equivalent. It would be like deciding being ever applied to such an end, was by a jury where a known portion of the the authority lodged in the King to neu- jurymen had been nominated, it matters tralize their power by making peers in not how many years ago, by one of the the event of the case arising. If at the parties to the case. If this portion canperiod of the Union with Scotland, the not be removed, let the other side put în question had been asked of the English an equal number in its turn; and then people or Government, Do you, then, there will be a chance that the remainder, intend, if ever the sixteen peers of who were neither put in by one side nor "Scotland, or a majority of them, the other, will effect a fair decision. But

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till this is done, it is plain that justice should be struck out of the reckoning, does not stand straight upon her legs. the result would be to require the This last operation with a jury, if a case creation of one more Peer on the peocan be conceived where there should be ple's side, and in the promotions one no other resource, is what in the meta- Marquess to Duke less and two Visphor that has been facetiously put forth, counts to Earls and one Baron to Viswould be called swamping a jury. It count more; a conclusion probably is left to the common sense of mankind, unexpected by either of the parties whether the proper phrase would not concerned, and which might afford be, that it was bringing it to an even matter for meditation in various ways. keel. It is evident that if the opponents push for this particular improvement, it will be conceded.

The claim, therefore, on the part of the people of the portion of the United Kingdom called England, is for the im- No hurtful precedent can be derived mediate neutralization of the Spiritual, from such an adjustment; any more Scotch, and Irish Lords, by the crea- than from that created by a legal award. tion of forty-two more peers; and The precedent cannot take place, withwhen this piece of naked, abstract jus-out the previous circumstances being tice has been performed, it will be time repeated; and if it does, it ought. To to debate the expediency or non-ex-resist such an adjustment on the ground pediency of creating new Peers to carry a of the inconvenience of increasing the particular bill if required. There can be number of the House of Peers,―would no mistake. What is advanced is, that till be a sacrifice of the greater interest to this is done, the English people labour the less, like declining to take cogniunder a denial of justice; and that where zance of a majority in the House, to justice ends, and not before, the question save the trouble of writing down the of expediency begins. There is another names. If the reasonable, limited, and claim, of smaller magnitude, but still of moderate demand for an adjustment is some; and that is, for an adjustment of not acceded to, the people of England the promotions in the Peerage since must sit down under the consciousness 1792. The balance consists of 2 Mar- that their reform has been withheld bequesses to be raised to Dukes, 3 Earls cause it displeased the Bishops and the to Marquesses, 5 Viscounts to Earls, Scotch and Irish peers; and because and 3 Barons to Viscounts, due to the the Whig Ministry, for reasons known popular side. The people have there- to itself, refused to go forward after fore a right to expect, that promotion to being lifted to the top of the rampart this amount should be held over the on the shoulders of the people, and heads of the peerage, as to be conferred declined advising the exertion of the after the passing of the Bill. If constitutional power provided for the the peerage inaccessible to consi- case. Why an Administration which derations of this nature, there is no has hitherto led gallantly and been harm done; and if it is not, the people gallantly followed, should in this manonly claim a balance in futuro, for ner turn round when all the enemy's what has been bestowed on the other defences are at its mercy,—is what, if side already. the case happens, time will show, and posterity assuredly inquire. The only conceivable excuse is, that the Ministry has not been asked, or not been asked sufficiently. There is time left for the people to correct this want. If they do not correct it, and effectually, in a fortnight, the Reform Bill may be held to be withdrawn with the consent of the English nation.

If the opponents of the bill should represent, that it is a shocking thing to treat the rewards of eminent services as if they were cotton or tallow,-and if (as in the persuasion that the result would be in their favour they would be likely enough to do), they should demand that the honours attached to great names in the military, naval, legal, and diplomatie or civil lines of service

A mode of arrangement that may

suggest itself to some, is that if the it be stipulated that one is,-that there Bishops and Scotch and Irish Peers shall be no ill-will against the people would agree not to vote, the necessity for believing, that as sure as man ever for creating Peers would be removed or cheated woman, they are going to be reduced to something of inconsiderable deceived. The perils of delay are great amount; while any number of indivi- and manifest. There never was a dual recusants might be balanced by British sovereign to whom the people creations as before. And it is not clear, would more gladly say, “O King live that when we are told to shut our eyes for ever;"—but the King will not live and open our mouths and see what hea- for ever, and if he should die now, it ven will send us, some expectation would be hard that the nation should be of this nature is not at the bottom of deprived of the legacy of his good-will. the advice. To such a plan the objec- The cholera may come, and put the tions are,-First, That there is no rea- people beside attending to their temson why the Whigs,-who though not poral concerns; which would be a perthe abstract idols of the people's wor- fect god-send to the opponents of the ship, are undoubtedly more the friends bill. The test is, whether the bill shall of the people than the opponents of the be anchored in safety now. If it is not, bill,-should lose the advantage of per- the plan is clearly that it shall be cast manently establishing a battery of forty- adrift. two peers upon the breach.

“Hei mihi! rusticitas, non pudor ille fuit."

Secondly, That such arrangements are sure to end in discontent and charges of misconduct on one side or the other; and, therefore, the wisest way is to use the power in hand, and court no arrangement for the comfort of the enemy. -Thirdly, That it would cut off the effect the creation of peers would produce in foreign countries; where the character of the English nation is at this moment traduced and vilified, in a way which nothing but a vigorous movement can put an end to.-Fourthly, which is of vastly more importance than all the others together, That if it is not done, and that without delay, the people of England will conduct themselves as on the certainty of final disappointment, with all those evils to the country which are the necessary consequences. Give us our forty-two Peers, and then Ministers may take a month or two of recreation without danger; and the nation will be content to have reform when it can get it. The pretence that the Peers would reject the bill in revenge for their numbers being increased, is an invention of the enemy;-they would no more do it, than they would jump overboard to revenge being crowded in a steam-packet. Refuse it, whatever may be the consequences, let

and

There may be plain speaking in all this, but no man has ever suspected your Lordship of any of the qualities to which plain speaking is abhorrent. No apology therefore is required, in saying I am, my Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant. October 19, 1831. ·

From the LONDon gazette,
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1831.

INSOLVENT.
MADDOCK, W., Portsea, coal- merchant.
BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED.

WALMSLAY, F., Parliament-street, lodginghouse-keeper.

BANKRUPTS.

BOWER, G., Chipping Barnet, Hertfordshire.
linen-draper.

COATES, W., Saint Martin's-lane, Charing-
cross, woolen-draper.
DAVENPORT, T., Derby dealer and chapman.
FORREST, J., Bradford, Yorks., inn-keeper.
SPIER, J., Berkeley, Gloucestershire, wine
and spirit merchant.
TANNER, J., Little Russel-street, Covent-
TAYLOR,G. B., Liverpool, linen and woollen-
garden, cordwainer.
draper.

TAYLOR, J. F., Cecil-st. Strand, wine-mercht.
TIDMARSH, G., Bow-street, Covent-garden,
coffee-house-keeper.
UNDERWOOD, W. R., Coaley-mills, Glou-
cestershire, wrought iron and edge tool
manufacturer.

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