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was doing; it has been doing mischief into the House of Commons most vehe. enormous, it has been inflicting ruin and mently bent upon an extended reform, misery on a whole people, when it declaring, at the same time, that you thought it was doing right. This is its would wait but a very little time before very best plea ; and yet one of the argu- you brought the motion forward, whements against the proposed change is, ther the new ministry were organized or that it will let into Parliament men of not, and that those were very much deindustry, vigilance, and talent! How-ceived who thought that the reform ever, there it is, Ryder ; make the best you meditated was of a limited descripof it: get out of the difficulty as you tion. Two days afterwards, you were can; or, let us have our reform, and I Lord Chancellor and a peer! which warrant you that we get ourselves out of puts one in mind of Lafontaine's story it and you along with us.

of the eloquent Goth who came to WM. COBBETT. Rome to complain of the lyranny exer

cised in the Provinces, when, as a remedy, a senator wiser than the rest, exclaimed, “ Fait-le Prætor !” How

ever, you became a member of a reLORD BROUGHAM.

forming ministry, and, since that time,

you have been bound up with the Kensington, October 18th, 1831.

bill, and was, of course, one of its de-, MY LORD,

feuders in the House of Lords. This It is now about, I think, five-and-brings me to the topic which I had in twenty years since you and I had the view when I cominenced this letter. first skirmish, you being then a very In my Register of last week, I cut desperate Edinburgh Reviewer, just out from the report of your speech in arrived at London in a Berwick smack, the Morning Chronicle, two passages, freighted, to the very choking of the in one of which I thought I could alhold, with adventurers come to get ready discover that you had no very pickings out of the “ loons o' the sooth." great dislike to be thought to be ready You have carried on your botheration to separate from Lord Grey; and that, pretty well. I have seen you, first, in the other passage, I thought I could declare yourself, in writing, for an- discover a readiness, on your part, to nual par/iaments and universal suf- surrender the part of the bill relating to frage; when those were put into ten-pound voter's. You have made two dungeons or driven into exile, you speeches upon these subjects; one last called them little nostrums and big Saturday, and the other on Monday, blunders. Since that, you have avoid- both of which I will insert here, as I ed definitions ; but, as occasion served, find them reported in the Morning have talked about parliamentary reform. Chronicle, which I believe to have by When, however, the flashy adventurer, far the most accurate reports. The CANNING, became Prime Minister, and Saturday's speech was as follows: declared explicitly that he would oppose " Another gross misrepresentation he parliamentary reform, in any and in " said he had been subjected to every shape, to the end of his life, I “in regard to the Reform Bill. He heard you, as explicitly declare that the saw it again stated, that there was a people had ceased to desire a parlia-|" decided difference between hins and mentary reform"; and, the same night, 1“ his noble Friend at the head of the saw Lord John Russell wilkdruw his “ Administration, in regard to a matenotice of motion for reform upon the “rial part of the Reform Bill, and this very ground stated by you. I heard" was founded on a garbled statement of you, the winter before the last, condemn " whut he had really said when speaking the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL for re- on that bill. He had on that occasion form. . Last fall, I saw you, while the “ distinctly stated, that there was not remue-nienage was going on, come " the slightest difference between himself

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" and his noble Friend on the subject found mention of an act so coolly bloody“ that there was not, nor ever had been minded as this. Sir Thomas DENMAN'S

any difference between them. This dirty bill of indictment was a fool to it, " declaration, however, had been omit- though that began with a "but," and “ ted in the statement attributed to him ; consisted of the middle of a paragraph, . “and he observed, that his statement, leaving out the head and the tail. so garbled, had been quoted and com- This, my Lord Brougham, is garbling.

He again declared that I took two passages from your speech, “there was not a shadow of difference each of them containing every word con“ between him and his noble Friend on nected with the two topics, and omitted " that great and important measure.” no part of the speech containing any

Now, what is garbling? It is taking thing bearing upon those topics. Thus, a part or parts of a writing, or speech, then, there was no garbling. There are and leaving out other parts, so as to give the words still; and you will explain a to the thing quoted, a meaning different pretty while, and protest a pretty while from the meaning of the whole if all longer, before you will persuade my reathe parts had been taken. Thus, for ders to put a different construction upon instance, BLACKSTONE has garbled the the words than that which I have put word of God itself, and that, too, for the upon them. But I do not see that you base

purpose of justifying cruelty in the advert to the second topic; that is to execution of the law of England relating say, to your readiness to reconsider the to the poor. Proverbs, chapter vi., matter with regard to the ten-pound verses 30 and 31, contains these words : volers, and yet this was a matter “—30. Men do not despise a thief, if he worthy of attention. The editor of “ steal to satisfy his soul when he is hun. the Morning Chronicle, whom yoa “gry-31. But, if he be found, he shall personally know, and whom I do not

restore seven-fold; he shall give all personally know, who has often been as the substance of his house." Black- your apologist against me, has been STONE takes these two verses and garbles too honest, however, to suppress the folthem thus : “ If a thief steal to satisfy lowing remark upon

this
very

unsatis“ his soul when he is hungry, he shall factory explanation of your Lordship:

restore seven-fold, and shall give all“ This explanation will at once satisfy " the substance of his house.' No “ the people that the inferences which broomstick that ever was handled would “hare been drawn from Lord have been too heavy or too rough for “ Brougham's speech, of a difference of the shoulders of this greedy and dirty." opinion between him and Lord Grey, souled lawyer. You see, he leaves out on material provisions of the Reform the words men do not despise ;" then“ Bill, are without foundation. The he leaves out the words at the beginning object of Lord Brougham, we have no of the next verse,

" but if he be found ; doubt, was to furnish those Lords who then in the place of the “ he," which“ might be averse to the uniform rent comes before the words “ shall give,' qualification with a motive for going he puts the word “ and ;” and thus he" into the Committee. We cannot help makes the whole apply to the poor “thinking, however, that it is dangerous, creature who takes food to satisfy his " even when arguing by way of supposisoul when he is hungry! He leaves out tion, to meet a particular class of every mitigating word of the Scripture, "opponents, to appear to make light of and in his reference he represents the “ what the people deem a very serious passage to be in one versc! It has often matter." been said of BLACKSTONE, that he not Yoú repeat this denial again in the only lied himself, but made others lie; debate of Monday night, and add someand he has here, as far as he was able, thing (which I shall here quote) in the made a liar of King Solomon hiinself. way of apology for the long prorogation Perhaps, even in the history of the con- that is intended :-" The Lord Chanduct of Crown lawyers, there is not to be CBLLOR felt he must say a very few

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“words with respect to an alleged dif- \" adjournment, was intended principally "ference of epinion between him and " for the purpose of more easily carry“ the noble Earl at the head of the Go- “ ing the wishes of the people into effect, “ vernment, as the statements on that " and achieving the success of the great

subject had been repeated. He begged measure intrusted to them. What "to say, that he most cordially con- " that measure was, would soon be seen; “ curred in every word that had fallen“ and he hoped that even those who " from the noble Earl, and that there“ might express regret now at the time "neither was, nor ever had been, any “ of delay being a little too long, when “ difference of opinion between them," they saw the effect of it, would have

although his assertion had been again " the candour and fairness to admit in " denied by certain persons who could“ all probability that it was quite short “ know nothing about the matter. enough, and feel gratified at the " There never had been

any
difference course

which trad been adopted. of opinion between them; even on the “ (Hear, hear.)” “ most minute details or general prin- I have not garbled here, at any rate,

ciples there could be none; but he for here is the whole speech as reported might add, and he said it in the hear- in the Chronicle ; and as pretty stuff it ing of his noble Friend and his col. is as I ever heard come from your lips.

leagues, that if there were any two of Oh! you are in a state of exhaustion, “ the Members of the Government who are you? I wish poor Cook, of Mitchel“ differed least on the matter of detail, dever, were alive, and you had to walk “ it was his noble Friend and himself. after him at plough, and do no work at “ With respect to the question of the all, and live upon the fare that he used

recess, he had no fears, whatever to live upon, for one week. You would

might be the inpatience of one or two then know what it is to be exhausted. 66 well-meaning, but over -anxious indivi- Exhaustion, indeed! Why, I do more duals, that the people would do full every week, for the whole fifty-two “ justice to the motives of the Govern- weeks in the year, than you have ever “ ment in the time which they might done for one single week since I have

propose. But, good God! when known any-thing of you. Poh! not go they talked of a prorogation for a on without repose! If men are too old

week, did they know the state of ex- or too feeble to go on in a crisis like “ haustion to which incessant labour this, they should not take high offices " had reduced some Members of the and high salariés. However, this is all “ Government? The two noble Lords a pretence. What your new measure is (Althorp and Russell) could not, he to be, will, you tell

us,

soon be seen. was satisfied, go on without some re- Why not tell it us now? Why keep us pose; and as for himself, although he in the dark about the matter.

Why “ did not complain, it was exactly do not you tell us that Schedules A twelve months last Friday since he and B, and the ten-pound voters, are “ had been at work, with the exception to remain ? The reason is that

you '“ of three days at Christmas, and two not intend that they shall remain. You

days at Easter (chiefly spent; by-the- know that an assurance that these shall

by, in travelling), from six or seven remain would satisfy us at once; and, in the morning till twelve or one at as you do not satisfy us, which you may

night. If any man was so unreason-do by only uttering a few words, we are “able as to say they should go on, he not such fools as not to be assured that

was confident at least that the great they ar not to remain ; and that you “ body of the reasoning classes of his mean to give us a specimen of garbling,

countrymen would think differently; with a vengeance. “ and that if they threw themselves on In the mean time, most lustily are you “ them, they could have no fear of ob- calling for confidence in the Ministers; “ taining a verdict. Whatever advice for confidence in those who said that “ they might give with respect to the they would stand or fall with the bill ;

du

are

taken ;

and who suffer the bill to fall without the people to keep you there'; because, falling themselves; that is to say, fall

, while you there, while Lord in their sense of the word; but fall in Grey is there, and while the peoreality they will in the estimation of ple can be prevailed upon to indulge every just man in the world, if they but hopes from his being there, all is safe whisper a proposition of any-thing short with the boroughmongers; the people of this bill. ^. All over the country the will, of course, hardly refuse to pay hooks are out for addresses to the King, taxes to Lord Grey, while they are to declare to him the confidence that the calling upon his Majesty to keep Lord people have in his present advisers ; Grey, the first Lord of his Treasury : which, I think, is really the most bare- never was there a neater and deeper faeed, the most profligate hoax upon the contrivance in the world, except that of people that ever was attempted to be a woman, who, seeing her rough husband practised. The people, however, seem coming with a broomstick to beat her, generally to have bit at the hook; ran' to the cradle, and, catching the some busy slave, or some credulous child up in her arms, exclaimed, “Ah! good man, is every-where found to aid there, kill the child; do, you' murderer!" in cheating them. Even at Birming- This is precisely what the borough ham, where one ought to expect to see mongers are saying to the people; and, good sense prevail, the following para- as those who, like the Birminghamites, graph will show that the hook has are beseeching the King to keep Lord

that the bait has been swallow- Grey in his bosom; will, of course, abed::-" A requisition to the High Bailiff stain from violence of every sort, all the “is in course of signature, requesting purposes of both the parties are answered. " that he will convene a Town's Meet

And now, my Lord Chancellor, I have ing for the purpose of expressing to shown you that, however difficult it “his Majesty, by address, the deep re- might be to see to the bottom of this

gret and bitter disappointment felt by muddy pool, I see to the bottom of it; " the inhabitants at the rejection of the and I venture to assure you that the “. Reform Bill by the House of Lords, public will not be far behind me. and declaring their unabated confi

WM. COBBETT. dence in the enlightened patriotism, wisdom and firmness of his Majesty's confidential advisers. The meeting CREATION OF NEW PEERS. “ will, in all probability, take place in " the middle of the week.”

I BEG my readers to read the followI have no doubt that tire leading men ing, taken from a pamphļet, just pubof Birmingham have been grossly im- lished by Mr. Ridgway, entitled a Letter posed upon ; but if they have a mind to to Lord Grey, on an Adjustment of the retain their influence over the people, House of Peers. let them take care how they become, wittingly or not, the tools of the Go- The question which at this moment vernment. What! hear from the Mi- agitates the country from side to side, is nisters themselves that they will not whether a system of governing by fall with the bill, and still call upon the means of the fietitious constituencies King to repose confidence in them!

technically called rotten boroughs, shall However, now we see all the motives be continued or not. Those who are for the motion so nicely got up by Lord interested in them say Aye ; and every EBRINGTON: Now we see that there was body else says

No. The case has been a firm resolution not to fall with the brought before the peers, and the peers bill, even before the bill fell. The have given a majority of their voices to enemies of reform like, of all things, the former. The inquiry consequently that you should not fall with the bill... set ou foot, is, What are the descriptions they like that you should remain theres of peers that constituted this majority, and that the King should be called upon by and in what degree does justice demand that they should severally be neutralized 1. That among the old Peers of the by the exercise of the constitutional United Kingdom there was a majority power of the crown. The exercise of of two in favour of the Second Reading. this power, to the extent which justice 2. That among the new Peers of the shall be found to demand, is what is United Kingdom (including the creaintended by the title of Adjustment of tions under the present ministry up to the House of Peers. The first requisite the time of voting) there was an exact for the inquiry, is to find a test by which bulance; and consequently the creations to 'measure the extent of what will for made under the present ministry were clearness be denominated the rotlen precisely and to a unit the number reborough influence among the peers of quired to balance the influence of the the United Kingdom. And here the peculiar system under which the new course must be, to take a period from Peers, or part of them, had been ereated. which the marked expansion of the in- 3. That (after adding the votes of fluence in question may fairly be dated ; the three Royal Dukes, which leave a and then judge of the different effects majority of 1 in favour of the Second upon the

peers created before and after Reading) the 42 votes which finally such epoch, by comparison of the votes made the majority of 41 in the opposite of the two classes of the présent question. direction, were the votes of

No objection can be made to assuming 21 Bishops against 2 ; being above for this epoch the conclusion of the year 10 to 1. 1792. There may be disputes whether 12 Scoich Peers against 4; being 3 the entire system was not a good, -110 1. whether it was not a thing to thank 19 Irish Peers against 4; being Heaven for, and a wonderful invention nearly 5 to 1. of human genius for the advancement of The inference from the whole of a nation's welfare ;-but waiving ques- which is tions of this nature, there can be no That the people of England cannot dispute that at all events it made a pro- have their reform because it does not digious start at the conclusion of 1792. please the bishops and the Scotch and The French war, which was a war for Irish Peers. the preservation of the rotten boroughs, The question which consequently was the immediate exciting cause ; | arises is, whether which ascertains with chronological First, the Bishops, exactness the æra of the effect. An

Secondly, the Scotch, analysis, then, of the votes on the Second

Thirdly, the Irish Peers, Reading of the English Reform Bill in are or are not in the category which dethe House of Peers presents the following mands,-not as an act of favour, but of results :

fairness,-not in the character of a coup

d'etat, but as a portion of that every day Of the peers of the United

justice which the sovereign is bound to Kingdom of creation ante

execute on every day when the occasion cedent to the conclusion

may present itself,--their immediate of 1792, there voted

79

81

neutralization by the exercise of the of the peers of the United Kingdom of creation sub

power lodged for that purpose by the sequent to 1792 (includ

constitution. ing the latest creations) 66

6 There are some powers lodged by the Of the Archbishops and

constitution which never have been exBishops

21 Of the Representative Peers

ercised; from which a strong argument of Scotland

12

4 might be derived against their exercise of the Representative Peers

at the present time. But this is not one of Ireland

19

of them, for it has been exercised, and Of the Royal Dukes

exercised way, viz. against the

199 158 people. There is no reason therefore, It appears, therefore,

in the outset, why it should not in turn

AGAINST

FOR.

2

4
1

2

one

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