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Surely in a month a new measure may any longer period than a month. "be matured, and Ministers may have "obtained the vigour necessary for ano"ther Parliamentary campaign.

the honourable and learned Gentleman, or the
imputation of having had intimidation for their
object. If it had not been for the tone assumed
by the hon. and learned Member for Stafford,
and by the hon. Member for Worcester,
upon the subject, neither the hon. Member
for Middlesex nor he (Colonel Evaus) would
have said auy-thing, and the petition might
have quietly gone with others of a similar
kind to that receptacle to which they were all
consigned; but as the call had been made,"
and as he had a strong opinion on the subject,
he should be wanting in his duty as a man if
he did not honestly state his opinion, that both
the spiritual and the public welfare of the people
would be better consulted if the Bishops were
not in that House. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. LEADER was understood to say that the conduct of the Church here had awakened this spirit of censure, as the conduct of the Irish Church had occasioned, and would continue the feeling in Ireland respecting tithes.

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month the people will readily acquiesce in. The motion will at all events have "the effect of eliciting some more positive declaration from Ministers of their intentions with regard to the duration of the prorogation than they "have yet afforded. The people are surely entitled to some confidence on "this subject. Before this notice was given by Colonel Evans, the manner "in which the people ought to conduct "themselves with regard to this ques"tion formed the subject of an incidental discussion on the presentation of a petition by Mr. Hunt from an indi"vidual, praying that the Bishops might be disfranchised. Mr. John Campbell "objected to the petition, complained Lord ALTHORP thought that this was a petition which, considering all the circum"of the injury done to reform by prestances connected with it, ought not to be "tended reformers, and protested against allowed to be received by the House. No one "the attempts at dictation to Ministers. regretted more than he the decision of the Mr. Hume observed, as to the obserHouse of Lords; but a petition from a singlevation of the hon. and learned Memindividual, declaring that one branch of the Legislature had not the right of voting, was a ber for Stafford, that these exprespetition which he thought that House could "sions of opinion were like dictating to not properly receive. "the Ministers, he did not agree at all "with that statement of the hon. and

The Petition which was from a freeholder of the County of Louth, was then brought up and

read.

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Mr. ROBINSON opposed the receiving of this petition, which he thought most improper"

and absurd.

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it would be only playing the game of the anti-reformers if the people of this country were to lie on their arms as if they did not care about the success "or the rejection of the Bill. Instead

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The SPEAKER said, that the question of receiving this petition involved not only a question of the privileges of the other House of" learned Member, and he believed that Parliament, but of their own. The petitioner" might, on any general grounds, have prayed the Legislature for the abolition of the right of voting of the Bishops; but as the petition stated that the petitioner founded his prayer upon what he conceived to be the vote of a portion of the House of Lords, and as he could only know how that portion of the House voted by means of a breach of privilege, it seemed to be doubtful whether the notice of a matter which was itself a breach of the privi leges of the other House, was not a breach of the privileges of their own. In his opinion it was, and that on that ground, the petition ought not to be received.

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of doing this, he recommended them to use every constitutional means of showing the deep anxiety they felt on "the subject.' Mr. Ruthven in like "manner, while he deprecated violence, trusted that all other efforts would be made to sustain the Ministers.'—This may not be the proper time for overUpon this debate, I shall first insert" hauling the Church, but overhauled it the commentary of the Chronic'e, re- "must be. The conduct of the Bishops serving to myself to say a word about" on the second reading of the Reform the Bishops. "We are," says the "Bill, will never be forgotten. They Chronicle, "glad that Colonel Evans" have identified themselves with the "has given notice that he will this day" Boroughmongers, and the people of 66 move a resolution to the effect that it" "would be inexpedient to defer the re"introduction of the Reform Bill for

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England will not easily allow them to part company. With respect to the particular petition, it was afterwards

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Mr.

"stated by the Speaker, that there were "It cannot possibly reach me. objections to its reception on the score" Campbell seems to have studied in "of privilege, and accordingly it was this school of philosophy. In The rejected. Mr. Campbell, however," Scotsman of Saturday, received yes"took occasion to explain more parti- terday, there is a paragraph on the cularly what he meant by dictating "effect of the intelligence of the loss 66 to Ministers. He said he wished the" of the Reform Bill in Scotland, which people to come forward in a constitu- may serve to illustrate this weighty "tional manner, but not to send Dele-" matter of etiquette :- The movegates at midnight to the noble Earl at "ment (says our Contemporary) now the head of the Government, not to "begun has one most gratifying fea"address petitions to him that have "ture-its instantaneous and its indis"beer couched in such improper and "putable spontaniety. To the very last, "unconstitutional language as the peti- men persisted in believing that the "tion now presented to their notice. peers would not trifle with the unani"As much has been said with regard to mous resolutions of the people; and "the lateness of the hour, it is but fair so universal was this impression, that to take into consideration the general up to the hour when the intelligence “uneasiness as the time. There had" arrived, we do not believe the reform"been a procession of 120,000 men of ers in any part of Scotland had formed "the different Metropolitan parishes, a definite idea of what measures they "the shops had been closed, great ex- "ought to adopt in such an emergency. "citement prevailed, and the delegates," Now, look at Perth. The vote of the 66 men of much influence in their several“ lords is known there at ten o'clock on "localities, knowing the extent of the" Monday night-even at that late hour,

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a requisition for a meeting is signed; "and at two o'clock next day, ten thousand persons, including the whole

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"then excitement produce mischievous" adult population of the town and vicieffects, lost no time in meeting the "nity, are assembled in the Inch, to ad"evil. It strikes us to be puerile in" dress the King! There was no pause "Mr. Campbell to attach so much im-“ required for deliberation; no doubt or portance as he does to a breach of faultering; no need felt of the exetiquette in seventeen citizens waiting" ample of the capital or other great on the Prime Minister at the unsea- "towns! The people were carried, aş 66 sonable hour of a quarter to eleven." if by an instinctive and simultaneous "They might have formed an erroneous "impulse, to the proper steps for the "estimate of the danger, but if they "vindication of their rights.

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Kirkaldy, and Hawick were equally ligence of a long prorogation was prompt in their motions: decision, fraught with danger, they only dis-" energy, unanimity, were never more charged their duty in endeavouring to" beautifully exemplified; and the same meet the evil without delay. If the" spirit, the same zeal, reigns throughintelligence arrived in a camp at mid-" out all Scotland, as farther accounts 66 night, that the enemy were within a "will soon make known, though cira few hours' march, no one would"cumstances cannot be everywhere so “hesitate to disturb the repose of the favourable for its instantaneous display. Surely he is a bastard Scotsman who is not proud of his country at this moment !""

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Now, we do not say that Mr. cry of fire, he opens his window, and," Campbell is a bastard Scotsman; but seeing it at some distance, instead of" if he had been Provost of Perth, in"running to afford assistance, exclaims, "stead of applauding his fellow-citizens "shuts the window, observing coolly," for their alacrity in presenting him

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with a requisition for a meeting at will be prorogued till February. This midnight, we suppose he would have is my belief!

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read the requisitionists a lecture on On the subject of reform the Speech "their inattention to decorum, in ap-contained the following:-" In the proaching him at so unseasonable an "interval of repose which may now "hour. The people, no doubt, would" be afforded you, I am sure it is un"have answered, An hour's repose, necessary for me to recommend to 46 more or less, at a crisis like this, when" you the most careful attention to the "the safety of the Empire is at stake," preservation of tranquillity in your re"is of small moment; and therefore we spective counties. The anxiety which "have thought it better to disturb you "has been so generally manifested by "at midnight than to lose an opportu-" my people for the accomplishment of nity of meeting without delay.' For-" a constitutional reform in the Com"tunately decorum yielded to a strong mons House of Parliament, will, I "sense of duty, and out of a popula-" trust, be regulated by a due sense of ❝tion of 20,000, no fewer than 10,000" the necessity of order and modera"met in the open air, in the manner so "tion in their proceedings. To the "much extolled by our Northern Con- " consideration of this important questemporary. Mr. Campbell may sup- "tion the attention of Parliament must pose he is assisting ministers by read-" necessarily again be called at the "ing lectures to the people on the "opening of the ensuing session; and propriety of being more measured in you may be assured of my unaltered "their enthusiasm, more moderate in" desire to promote its settlement, by "their dislikes, and more indifferent to" such improvements in the representa"the public tranquillity. The tone The tone" tion as may be found necessary for "assumed by him did not, however," securing to my people the full enjoy66 seem very palatable in the House."ment of their rights, which, in com"Colonel Evans said he should be "bination with those of the other orders "wanting in his duty, after what he" of the state, are essential to the sup"had heard, if he did not honestly state" port of our free constitution." "his opinion, that both the spiritual "and temporal welfare of the people "would be better consulted if the "Bishops were not to belong to the "House of Lords."

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In all this I agree, and particularly in what is said about the Bishops. There must be a change with regard to them. He, of Winchester, has two palaces and the interest of the money for which a third palace was sold! His income is not less than forty thousand pounds a year, while there are curates starving upon thirty pounds, and a plenty of them too. Poh! Lord Grey; you may be waspish at the "abrupt intrusion' of the people, but this scandalous abuse cannot remain.

POSTSCRIPT. PARLIAMENT is prorogued to the 22nd November. But the hack paper says that it will then be again prorogued for fourteen days. And I believe that it

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The Surrey meeting, on Thursday, I must state next week. I cannot do

justice to it here. It was an interesting

scene.

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TO THE

BOROUGHMONGERS.

Kensington, 17th October, 1831.

BOROUGHMONGERS,

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and Sidmouth and Castlereagh." But the next year, it pleased God, in his mercy to England, to raise up the renowned statesman PEEL, aided and abetted by Ricardo, Tierney, old Gren-** ville, and the like of them; and he sent forth his RENOWNed bill. I got it in August, and instantly made preparationsfor my return; and got home in November. For, the moment I saw the bill, I exclaimed, "There comes reform ・・ at last!"

OTHERS put their publications in mourning at the rejection of the Reform Bill by the Lords: I, if I knew how, would decorate mine with laurels and garlands. Others rave and stamp and foam with indignation: I laugh, and wish that there were combinations of letters wherewith to express the sounds of hearty risibility. Many reasons tend to the producing of this feeling in me; but I will, for the present, rest satisfied with stating one of them, which, stupid as you are as well as insolent, will, if you look well at it, make you scratch your heads. You have little sense, I know; but you must be quite beasts not to feel the force of the facts that I am about to state, and which I do not state for the purpose of enlightening you, or putting you upon your guard; not at all for the purpose of giving you useful advice, or of inducing you to do any- Parliament," to within forty-eight hours thing, or to leave any-thing undone; but for the sole purpose of mortifying you, and of letting you see, that I, whose views and designs were so much censured by BOSCAWEN, HERBERT, Old SERJEANT BEST, and my LORD LYNDHURST, have reason for laughing, while others are filled with alarm and despair.

Hundreds of times did I tell MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, that there never would be REFORM to any extent, as long as the paper-money system remained unshaken. Since that time, it has had some pretty furious shakes. A million and a half of us. petitioned for reform in 1817; and though we had all the arguments that LORD JOHN RUSSELL has now urged in support of his bill, we were crammed into dungeons, or driven into exile, for our pains, and that too with the loudlyexpressed approbation of those "merchants and bankers of London," who now demand reform in a much bolder strain than we did at that time. In 1818, in answer to a letter, in which the Major pressed me to return from Long Island, I said, “When there is a hole made in the 'paper, I will return; but until then

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You are a stupid set; but if you be thirty years of age, you must have seen the thing gradually approaching from that day to this. In 1822, the thing was at hand, but was stopped for three years by the prolonged issue of one-pound notes; that is to say, by a part repeal of Peel's bill. This however, brought on the PANIC of 1825 and 1826, which, as the "great statesman," HUSKISSON, said, brought us, under this well-working

of barter!" Indeed, it was touch-andgo, when the OLD LADY slept with an ORDER IN COUNCIL under her pillow. To prevent this danger for the future, the one-pounders were to cease in England in April, 1829; and when that law was passed, or rather passing, I told the well-working Parliament, that if they enforced that law, without taking off more than one-half of the taxes, they would plunge the country into a state of ruin and misery such as the world had never witnessed; and that I KNEW this as well as I knew that fire burned.

The ruin has come; tho misery has come; the fires have come; and the REFORM has, at last, peeped out, and is struggling for vent! And do you imagine, that the great manufacturers and merchants and bankers are crying for REFORM, because they have been converted to a love of popular rights! Bah! as the French say you are not. quite stupid enough for that, I think. Do you imagine, that the YEOMANRY CAVALRY have, all of a sudden, become enamoured of the Goddess of Liberty! They would kick the Goddess to the

devil; or, at least, chop her down, if
she had nothing in store for the relief of
their pockets.
Oh, no! the Chopsticks
have made them raise their wages;
these they cannot pay and pay tithes.
and taxes also; they see that they
cannot again get down the
wages, and
that REFORM is necessary to relieve them
from the tithes and taxes. Therefore
are they reformers: therefore they
throw their lusty arms round the waist
of the Goddess, and you will have
job of it," if you get her from their ar-
dent embraces.

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“We, the undersigned Iron Masters and

Coal Masters, of the Staffordshire Iron and Coal district, think it-our duty respectfully to represent to his Majesty's Government the following facts:

1. That for the last five years, ever since what is called the panic of 1825, we have found, with very slight intermissions, a continually increasing depression in the prices of the products of industry, and more particularly in those of Pig Iron and Bar Iron, which have fallen respectively from upwards of 81. per ton, to under 31. per ton, and from 151. pèr ton, to under 51. per ton. a "2. Against this alarming and long-continued depression, we have used every possible effort in our power to make head. We have practised all manner of economy, and have had recourse to every possible improvement in the working of our mines and manufactories. Our workmen's wages have, in many instances, been greatly reduced, and such reby, very great suffering and distress:→but duction has been attended with, and effected the royalties, rents, contracts, and other engagements, under which we hold our respective works and mines, have scarcely been reduced at all, nor can we get them effectually reduced, because the law enforces their payment in full.

But I am now about to show you, in detail, and from authentic documents, how the great manufacturers have been converted to the cause of reform, and why it is that those of Birmingham are more ardent than those of any other of the great towns. I wonder whether you will be so stupid as not to attend to what I am now about to lay before you ! You may; but other people will not. If you do attend to it, you will despair of being able to prevent reform. Here is the security for the triumph of Reform! Here it is; and this is what makes me laugh, while others put their papers in mourning. Poor TREVOR ascribed the cry of reform to my writings; Baring 4th. Under these circumstances, we and WELLINGTON ascribed it to the of conduct our interests and our duties require have long hesitated in determining what line French Revolution: I am going to show us to adopt :-If we should abandon our reyou, to prove to you in detail and offi-spective trades, our large and expensive outcially, that the cry has been produced by PEEL'S WRITINGS! That PEEL and his co-operators have ALL the merit of it; and that not a particle of that merit belongs to me.

"At a Meeting of the Staffordshire Iron Trade, held at Dudley, the 4th of October, 1831; MICHAEL GRAZEBROOK, Esq. in the Chair.

3. The prices of the products of our industry having thus fallen within the range of the fixed charges and expenses which the law compels us to discharge, the just and necessary prófits of our respective trades have ceased to exist; and in many cases a positive loss attends them.

lays in machinery and erections must be sacrificed, at an enormous loss to ourselves, and onr honest and meritorious workmen must be thrown in thousands upon parishes, already too much impoverished by their present burdens, to support them:-and if we should continue our respective trades, we see nothing but the prospect of increasing distress, and certain ruin to all around us.

5th. In our humble opinion, the great cause which has been mainly instrumental in "It was resolved, that this meeting cannot producing this depression and distress in our but regard with considerable anxiety and ap-respective trades, and among the productive prehension the present appalling and long-classes of the country generally, is the attempt continued depression in the prices of iron, and which they attribute mainly to the injurious operation of the existing laws relating to the

currency..

"That the following Memorial of the Iron and Coal Trade be presented to Earl GREY, by a deputation, and that a copy thereof be sent to the chairman of the Welch trade, requesting the concurrence and co-operation of the gentlemen of that district in its prayer

"Memorial to the Right Honourable Earl Grey, First Lord of his Majesty's Treasury.

to render the rents, taxes, royalties, and the other various engagements and obligations of the country, convertible by law into gold, at 31. 17s. 104d. per oz. This low and antiquated price of the metallic standard of value is no longer capable of effecting a just aud equitable distribution of our products between the producer and the consumer; it renders incompatible the permanent existence of remunerative prices, without such a reduction of taxation as we cannot hope to see effected in time to afford us any relief-and it thus tends,

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