far as relates to the ten-pound house- also impossible that I should not think holders in great towns. He manifestly it likely that Lord GREY went to Windalludes to the speech of Brougham; sor for the purpose of tendering his and that drew from Lord ALTHORP, in resignation in case the King should deanswer to PEEL, a declaration similar to that of Lord GREY; namely, that he would not retain office for an hour if not permitted to carry this bill without any diminution of its efficiency.

:

termine not to create, if necessary for that purpose, a sufficient number of peers to carry the bill. It is impossible not to believe that there had been those difficulties, those objections to this crea tion, mentioned in the above paragraph quoted from the COURIER. It is impossible not to believe this. The age of the King; various other circumstances,

In the meanwhile, the great parishes were meeting in hundreds of thousands; the Guild-hall, with the city of London, had been choked up with people all the day; every-where, resolutions and ad-rendered it next to impossible that Lord dresses were passed and about to pass, GREY should not have found these diffideclaring that the parties would not pay culties to exist; and if he did find them, taxes if Lord GREY could not retain his it became him to overcome them, if that place; great discontent began to show were possible. He might, and, if he itself, that the King had not come to had been more concerned about himself London at once to prorogue the Parlia- than about the King and the country, ment and to take measures for carrying he would, have quitted his post, leaving the bill. This last circumstance excited the intolerable toil behind him; or be a degree of uneasiness that it is not brought back to his post again on the possible to describe. No one knew what shoulders of the people: this is what an to think all seemed to fear that the indolent or a vain man would have done.. King would be prevailed upon, by false It is what many a brave man would have representations, to break with his Minis-done, too, and which he might have ter; or, at least, to do that which alone done without imputation of blame. could now retrieve the affairs of the Lord GREY chose the really virtuous Government, and give the country a course; to go to his Majesty, to reprechance of tranquillity. At this juncture sent to him the dangers with which he (Monday afternoon), it was announced was surrounded, to point out to him the that Lord GREY had departed for means of avoiding those dangers; and Windsor; so that every one expected to induce him to adopt those means. to hear, the next morning, the result of We do not know, indeed, that his Mathis momentous conference. This re-jesty had been at all shaken in his pursult was not known until the afternoon pose; and, not knowing it, we ought of Tuesday, when it was noised all over not to adopt the belief; but, while we the town that the Minister had had a pass no censure upon the King, even conference of two hours with the King; supposing him to have been beset and that the King remained firm in his ad- to have been shaken in his purpose, we herence to his Minister and the bill; can never enough applaud the wise and and that, as a proof of the correctness of virtuous course of Lord GREY, who this statement, Lord Howe, Chamber- might, by a contrary line of conduct, by lain to the Queen, had been dismissed flinging up his post, and leaving the King from his office. This news gave great in the hands of others, have thrown the and universal satisfaction, and, in some whole kingdom into confusion, while he measure, counterbalanced the tidings himself would have been, in a short time, from the country, in several parts of brought back again in triumph, and which, particularly Derby and Notting- have seen all his opponents under his ham, very alarming disturbances were feet. This was the path of ambition; going on, attended with fatal conse- and it was one, too, that he might quences to life well as to property. have pursued without exposing himself It is impossible that I should know to censure. He chose the other course, any-thing at all of the fact; but it is the course of peace to the country and

VOTED AGAINST THE BILL.
William Howley

Bath and Wells..
Rochester
Litchfield
Peterborough
Lincoln

Bristol

Oxford

Gloucester
Exeter

Tuam

London

William Van Mildert
Charles Richard Sumner
Thomas Burgess

George Henry Law
George Murray
Henry Ryder

Herbert Marsh

John Kaye

Robert Gray

..

William Carey

Christopher Bethell

Hugh Percy

Edward Coppleston

Richard Bagot

James Henry Monck

safety to the King; and for this heago; but he is now Bishop of Worcesmerits the everlasting gratitude of both. ter. I will therefore put down all the He had been extremely ill-treated; he names of Bishops. And here they are. had been abused by his open enemies; he knew well what was their ground of reliance; Canterbury he had seen LORD HOWE vote Durham against him, and then hasten back to | Winchester the Court; he had heard the speech of Salisbury BROUGHAM and his declaration that he did not care if he offended him; he had had quite enough to fill him with disgust and resentment; quite enough; and he had in his hands all the means of St. Asaph obtaining instant revenge on all the Bangor parties that he saw combined against Carlisle him. He mastered his just resentment; Llandaff and yet he maintained his own honour. We are now arrived at Tuesday evening, having learned, in the course of the day, that Nottingham Castle, the property of the Duke of NEWCASTLE, Leighlin had been burnt by the people. On Cloyne Tuesday evening the House of Lords Cork met; when there arose a very angry KEPT AWAY discussion, or, rather, a downright quarrel, brought on by the BISHOP of York EXETER. The bishops had exposed Hereford themselves, by their voting on the bill. In the list of the majority and minority, St. David's which I have inserted below, it will be Worcester Chester seen that twenty-one of the English bishops voted against the bill and two voted for it. But, besides this, we are to observe, that there were seventeen English bishops, out of the twenty- It is very clear, therefore, that the six who voted against the bill; that Bishops were the cause of the loss of there are only four Irish bishops who the Bill; for, if the twenty-one had sit in the House of Lords, as the repre- voted the other way, there would have sentatives of the whole eighteen Irish been a majority of one in favour of the bishops; and that the whole of these bill: if these ministers of peace had four voted against the bill. So that thought proper thus to act there would there were but two bishops out of the have been peace and harmony, instead forty-four that voted for the bill; the of trouble and danger all over the kingfour Irish bishops having voted against dom. But, this is not all; for, there it, as the representatives of the Irish were seven of the English Bishops you eighteen. This is a very memorable see, who kept away, and who did not thing; this is a matter to be borne in send their proxies. If they were ill, mind; and, therefore, I shall here put they could have sent their proxies for down all the particulars; the names of the bill in like manner as the Bishop of the bishops as well as of their dioceses; Norwich did. Their keeping away, for these gentlemen are everlastingly therefore, does not in the smallest degree changing about; and one who is Bishop alter the public impression with regard of Gloucester to day, is Bishop of Litch-to their conduct.

Ely

Boywer Edward Sparke
John Banks Jenkinson

Robert James Carr

John Bird Sumner

FOR THE BILL.
Henry Bathurst
Dr. Maltby.

field to-morrow. For instance, Carr Now for the quarrel before-mentioned, was Bishop of Chichester a little while which took place in the House of Lords,

on Tuesday night. It arose upon presenting a petition from a place in Suffolk bordering on Cambridgeshire, and complained of grinding oppression on the part of the Dean and Chapter of Ely, who, as stated by the petition, not content with the tithes that they have heretofore received, have conjured up a new and most oppressive claim. I shall now insert the debate, which will speak for itself, and which I take from the Morning Chronicle.

measures of improvement and amendment.
He knew the abilities and kindness and ex-
really these constant attacks on the clergy
cellent disposition of his noble Friend, but
had a tendency to detract from the position
which his noble Friend ought to hold in that
House, and very much disparaged him.
the good opinion which he entertaiued of him
in some respects; but yet he must still say
that the complaints in the petition from Suf-
folk were well founded. They had enjoyed
centuries, and now they were disturbed, not
the exemption from the payment of tithes for
by laymen, but by the Dean and Chapter
of Ely. The clergy there were the disturbers
of the existing order of things, and if the
Prescription Bill should not pass, the griev-
ance would become intolerable, and the
strongest odium would be excited against the
clergy generally. The petitions from Ireland
prayed for a speedy passing of the bill, as
delay was a bonus and a premium on law-
suits.

Lord KING thanked his noble Friend for

Lord KING had two petitions to present on a different subject from that of the Reform Bill. Both petitions were in favour of the Prescription Bill introduced by the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, but which was likely to be strangled in this Session as it had been in the last. One of the petitions was from the owners and occupiers of lands to the extent of 5000 acres in the county of Suffolk; and they prayed that the Bill might speedily pass, as otherwise they would be continually harassed with suits for tithes, as they had recently been, after an exemption for centuries. The petitioners stated, that the lands which they hold had belonged to the Priory of the Isle of Ely, and as such had been exempted from the payment of tithes; and that they had remained exempt for several centuries, till suits for tithes were recently commenced against them by the Dean and Chapter of Ely, who were Lords of the Manor, in which lawsuits the petitioners had expended 50001. The Dean and Chapter had lately granted a new lease to their own steward of the manor, by the terms on which it was taken he was bound to prosecute these suits. The Dean and Chapter had also taken fiues from them on the renewal of their rights, as if the Lords had been exempt from the payment of tithes, and had appointed a Vicar of the parish who, as might be expected, was a non-resident and a pluralist. This disturbance of the ancient order of things then came from the clergy, who professed to be averse to all changes, and to be desirous that every-thing should remain unchanged, but who, when their own interests were concerned, became the arch disturbers. (Hear, hear.) The other petition was to the same effect, from a place in Ire-but that the very instant that a liberal Go• land.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH: He thought it his duty to call the attention of the House to an expression which the noble Lord had used with respect to the clergy. The noble Lord had said that they were the arch-disturbers when their own interests were concerned, although under other circumstances they were adverse to all change. But the more that he saw of the conduct of the clergy, the more he was convinced there was the grossest injustice in making such a charge against them. Even they themselves had lately come forward with

Lord SUFFIELD: Being warmly attached to the Church of England, he bad frequently suggested to his noble Friend (Lord King) to abstain from these attacks on the Clergy and the Church; but he confessed that what had taken place within these few days had caused some change in his opinion respecting the general body of the right reverend prelates, although his attachment to the Established Church remained as strong as ever. But he felt that he owed some apology to his noble Friend, for he thought that the conduct of the right rev. Prelates did call for some observation. He certainly did not come prepared to make any such observation, for he had not been aware of the petitions to be presented by his noble Friend, nor of the observations which he intended to make on presenting them. He had always considered the exist ence of the right rev. Prelates in this House as liable to one objection, as they always threw almost the whole weight of their body into the scale of Government. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) He would presently show how he meant to apply that observation. The right rev. Prelates, in a firm and close phalanx, lent their weight to the Government, and this led him to observe that the right rev. Prelates always did so when the Government was arbitrary and oppressive;

vernment came into power, and proposed liberal and beneficial measures, the right rev. Prelates voted against them.

The Earl of CARNARVON rose to order. It was decidedly disorderly for any noble Lord to arraign the conduct and motives of other Lords because they happened to vote contrary to the opinion and vote of him who made the charge. There would be an end to all freedom of discussion and decision if this were to be allowed.

The LORD CHANCELLOR-He had been taunted for not taking care to keep order, but

on their vote. Their motives were, no doubt, excellent. He had only observed on the matter of fact, that the right reverend Prelates had, for the first time, voted against the Goto be a liberal one. He had stated the fact, without arrainging the motives of the right reverend Prelates; but if he was in any degree out of order, he begged leave to apologise to the House.

but he could only give his advice, which he would now give, et valeat quantum. To refer to any speech that had been made in the course of a former debate was not strictly according to order, but still it was often done, and over-vernment, when that Government happened looked. But to arraign the motives of any noble Lords in voting as they did, was certainly contrary to all rule and order. (Hear.) But he did not hear that his noble Frind im puted any sinister or bad motives to the right reverend Prelates in voting as they did, but The Bishop of LONDON was aware of the merely stated the fact, and his opinion that inconvenience of entering upon these discusthis might prove injurious to the church es- sions, on occcasion of presenting petitions; tablishment, of which he was a firm and and he was averse to prolonging this discussteadfast friend. It was in that view that his sion. But there was one expression used by noble Friend made observations on the con- the noble and learned Lord on the Wooisack, duct of the right reverend Prelates, and nei- upon which he was anxious to say a few words. ther they nor any noble Lords were exempt He had himself given neither opinion nor vote from observation, both here and in another on the subject of the important measure lately place. The right reverend Prelates did not before the House; but when the noble and want to be exempted from observation. They learned Lord said that the Bishops desired to courted observation. The right reverend trip up the Government, he must say that no Prelates had no doubt acted with the greatest such thoughts had ever entered into their disinterestedness. (Hear, hear.) Good God! minds. The Bishops had no reason to wish to impute to the right reverend Prelates that that the present Government should be tripped they acted from selfish and interested motives! up. They had no reason to complain of the No, they had with the utmost disinterested-present Ministers, who had always shown a ness acted against the present Government. disposition to consult the best interests of the (Loud cries of hear, hear.) They thought of church; and even the noble and learned Lord tripping-up the present Government (hear, himself had introduced, or promised a mea. hear); they had a right to do so (hear); and sure, which was of great advantage to the it could not be imputed to them that they were church. Setting aside the Reform Bill, the actuated by selfish motives when they acted Bishops had no reason to complain of the preagainst the present Government, and at- sent Ministers; and as to the vote of the genetempted to trip it up, and probably thought ral body of the Bishops on that bill, whatever that they had tripped it up. (Hear, hear.) might be said as to the wisdom of that vote, the prelates were clear as to their integrity and sincerity. (Hear.)

Lord ELLENBOROUGH rose to order. The noble and learned Lord had risen to give his opinion on a point of order, and now he was treating them with a speech from himself.

Earl GREY-He hoped the House would allow him to say a few words on the point of order. He had often had occasiou to advert to the very great inconvenience attending these discussions when they took place, merely on the occasion of presenting petitions. It appeared to him that his noble Friend (Lord Suffield) had rather overstepped the bounds of order : but without giving any positive opinion on the subject, he put it to the consideration of his noble Friend whether he ought to persevere in a course which could be attended with no advantage, and was sure to be very inconvenient. The discussion could lead to no good.

Lord SUFFIELD:-If he was out of order, he was very sorry for it. Certainly he had not come prepared to make any observations on the conduct of the right reverend Prelates. He had not been aware of the intention of his noble Friend to present these petitions, nor had he been aware of any observations which he intended to make on presenting them, but he felt that he ought to take the opportunity of apologising to his noble Friend. He did not question the motives of the right reverend Prelates, though he had thought that he was in perfect order in making some observations

The Bishop of LLANDAFF: His own frame of mind in regard to this bill had been very much like that of the noble Earl (quere Haddington), who had pronounced a splendid eulogium on the late Mr. Canning. He had been most anxious to find reasons which might enable him, consistently with his own sense of duty, to vote for the second reading. That had been the state of his mind. He had been anxious to vote for the second reading, but could not find reasons to enable him to do so. He had been convinced that the bill could not pass, and then the motion for the second reading was the only one on which they would have an opportunity of intimating their sincere and conscientious opinion on the measure. As to the imputations insinuated, if not expressed, that they had voted from interested and selfish motives, he regarded them as idle sounds-as mere echoes of the discordant noises with which they had been assailed on their entrance into that House. (Hear.)

The Bishop of EXETER: The Bishops had not opposed the measure because it was the measure of a liberal Administration, but because in their consciences they could not approve of it; and they were ready to brave the censure of the mob, even when urged and instigated by those whose duty it was to restrain these ebullitions of the mob-those who ought

to uphold and maintain all the institutions of he would not deserve to be visited. But he the country. And now they were to be told repeated, that there was no truth in the imthat they always supported an arbitrary Go-putation, nor shadow or colour of truth. He vernment, but voted against the Government denied the charge. He had done nothing but when it acted on free principles, and intro- what he was justified and bound to do in the duced liberal measures. He defied any of the discharge of his duty in that House. Instead accusers of the Bishops to show a single in- of exciting and encoureging a mob against stance in which they had voted from interested the right rev. Prelates, and any other lords and selfish motives, although they had been who had voted against the measure, he had outrageously insulted by a person holding the exerted all the powers of Government to prohighest station in office! If he was wrong in tect them, however hostile to him their vote being so warm, he trusted that the occasion might be. That vote they had a right to give would be some apology for him. A trumpery if they chose it, and he never meant to quespetition was presented, and that occasion was tion that right. He therefore called on the taken to hold out that the clergy, who pro- right rev. Prelate to state the evidence on fessed to be averse to all change, were which he rested so foul an imputation, In all the greatest disturbers of existing rights his observations, he had shown the greatest and institutions, and were spoken of with sar-respect for the right. rev. Prelates, and was a casm and insult, as being interested and selfish, and engaged in a conspiracy against liberty.

firm friend to the Established Church of England; and he still respected the right rev. Prelates as a body, notwithstanding the most improper speech, and the foul aspersions of the right rev. Prelate who spoke last. (Loud cheering.)

Earl GREY: This was the most unfounded accusation that he had ever heard brought forward against any Ministers by any Member of the Bench of Bishops. (Hear, hear.) The Bishop of EXETER: He was ready, on Whether the attack was personal to himself, being thus called upon to produce the evidence or was meant to apply to his noble and learned on which he rested his assertions. He wished Friend on the woolsack, he did not know; to premise, however, that he imputed no imbut when the Right Reverend Prelate said that proper motives to the noble Earl, however he they (the Ministry), or some of them, had might disapprove of his language. It might spoken of the Bench of Bishops with reproba-be irregular to refer to what took place on a tion and sarcasm, he would ask the Right former debate; hut when thus called upon, he Reverend Prelate whether, in the few words might be allowed to produce his proof. On that he had spoken, there was any-thing like the first night of the debate on the Reform reprobation or sarcasm? As to the annoy-Bill, the noble Earl was pleased to call on the ances that the Right Rev. Prelates might have received from the people, he and his colleagues had done every-thing in their power to prevent such annoyances, both as regarded the Right Rev. Prelates and others whose votes were most likely to expose them to such annoyances; and he asked the Right Rev. Prelate whether he meant to say that he (Earl Grey) had ever done anything to excite and encourage such annoyances? The Right Rev. Prelate had said that a person in the highest station in office had insulted and vilified the Church. Now he was in what was generally considered as the highest station in office; and he asked the Right Rev. Prelate whether he alluded to him or to his noble and learned Friend on the woolsack? But to which ever of them the Right Rev. Prelate alluded, sure he was that to neither of them could the accusation be applied with justice or truth. (Loud cheers.) But, not content with this, the Right Rev. Prelate, with a warmth which little became the garb that he wore, had been so grossly unjust as to accuse them of being exciters and instigators of a mob to vilify and insult the Right Rev. Prelates. (Hear.) To that he could only reply, that he repelled the imputation with the utmost contempt aud indignation. There was not a syllable of truth in it (hear, hear); and he could describe it in no other terms than as the foulest calumny. If he could be capable of exciting and instigating a mob, there were no terms of reprobation with which

Bishops seriously to consider what would be their condition in the estimation of the country in case they voted against the measure. The noble Earl had put this in such a way as if he meant to induce the Bishops to vote for the measure, from a dread of the odium which they would encounter, in case they voted against it. This, whatever might be the noble Earl's intent, was to call on them by a menace, to vote for the bill, and it had a tendency to excite the people against the bench of Bishops. The noble Earl had called upon them under a threat to vote for the measure, and he had assumed the character of a prophet, and called upon them to set their house in order. The uoble Earl did not indeed conclude the sentence. That he had left for themselves to do. But, at the same time, the meaning was clear that destruction to the House was threatened. The nobie Earl had also reminded them that certain important questions were under consideration, of which the decision might be favourable or unfavourable as the vote might be. What were these questions and where were they under consideration? Was it before the members of the Government, or was it in Parliament that they were under consideration? Did the noble Earl mean that schemes of plunder were in agitation, which might be affected by the conduct of the Bishops? Whatever was meant, they had not supposed their conduct to be affected by such threats, but had voted as their consciences and sense