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addictus jurare in verba magistri." For, although I admire and respect my noble and hon. Friends, I am free to say that I think their administration is justly chargeable with certain errors, which, however pure and amiable their motives may be, have been most detrimental. I think, Sir, that in England, and in Ireland too, there has been on their part too much halting between two opinions; that there has been too great a disposition to conciliate those who never can be conciliated by the acts of what I should call a liberal go

object, I might, from feelings of perhaps false | the support and confidence of the House. delicacy and false pride, have considered the (Hear, hear.) I may, perhaps, be suspected demand of such pledges as implying suspicion of taking a partial view of the conduct of my of my conduct, and might have refused to hon. Friends. Undoubtedly long habits of give them. But I gave those pledges to the private and public regard have grown out of individuals whom I have the honour to repre- that intimate knowledge which I have pos sent, because they all wished for the Reform sessed for nearly a quarter of a century of the Bill, although in my own opinion it did not worth and integrity of my noble Friend below go so far as I wished. But, Sir, although me. (Hear, hear.) But entertaining as I do the bill does not go so far as I wished, this predilection for my noble Friend, I will yet it appeared to me to unite the suffrages of not be of him, I will not be of any man, the a larger portion of the people of England in its flatterer, or the unqualified panegyrist. I am favonr, than I had conceived it possible could not, as we were told we were in former dehave been accomplished by any measure that bates, I am notany set of men could have devised. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, before I proceed to the particular subject of my motion, I shall take the liberty of calling the attention of the House to the circumstances under which my hon. Friends near me were called to administer the affairs of this country. I will not go into the details of that appalling perioda period so appalling, that I almost despaired of the possibility of discovering any means by which society might be restored to its proper and healthy state. In saying this, I have no wish to revert to any occurrence, for the pur-vernment (hear, hear); and that there have pose of throwing unnecessary odium on the predecessors of his Majesty's present government. But this I may at least say, that without having recourse to force. without proposing any new penal enactment, his Majesty's government did succeed in restoring the tone and security of society, and in putting an end to the disturbances which prevailed throughout the southern counties of the kingdom; and moreover, that they framed a measure, which, as I have before said, was satisfactory to a greater extent than could possibly have been anticipated, to those powerful and influential middle classes, among whom I am sorry to say were to be found many who were not exempt from the discoutent which previously prevailed. But, Sir, has the Reform Bill, which was agreed to by this House after such long and such frequent discussions, has it prevented my honourable Friends from doing any-thing else for the benefit of the country during the last twelve months? Have the poor of the country derived no benefit from the taking off the tax upon coals and candles? Has the moral, and thinking, and reflecting part of the community, no cause for satisfaction in the repeal of the Game Laws, which, in spite of the exertions of the humane and enlightened, bad combined, session after session, to defy the strenuous and repeated attempts made to procure their abolition? Has the suitor in Chancery gained nothing by the gigantic measures of that great man, of whose almost super-human eloquence in another place I will not speak-has the suitor in Chancery gained nothing by those gigantic efforts to clear the Augean stable of all that accumulated load which has so long oppressed the unfortunate suitor in that court? These, Sir, are some of the grounds on which I think my hon. Friends near me have a right to claim

been some instances of their overlooking the claims of their old and tried friends, who had always given them their cordial and zealous support. (Hear, hear.) I think that my noble Friend has, in some things which he has done, and in other things which he has left undone, consulted more the unsuspicious kindness of his own generous nature than the exigency of public affairs and the necessity of supporting his own Government warranted; and if I am not mistaken, my noble Friend has, during the last two or three days, received a pretty severe lesson on that score. (Loud cries of "hear, hear.) I trust he will fall into such errors no more. I trust that, if by the vote of this night-and on that vote the fate of the Government and of the empire depends-1 trust that, if by the vote of this night, and by the confidence reposed in him by this House, my noble Friend should preserve, as I trust in God he may (hear), his station at the head of the affairs of this country, he will hereafter abandon that too temporising policy which has in some instances marked the mea sures of his administration. (Hear, hear.) This advice I trust my noble Friend will not despise; for I can assure him that it is the opinion of many other staunch friends of the present Government. I feel the less scruple in expressing it as there is hardly any service which I am not prepared to perform for his Majesty's Government, except that of taking an official situation under them. Sir, in speaking of the merits of my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor, I omitted to state one or two things which redound as much to that noble and learned Lord's honour as any of those matters which I have described. I omitted to state that, with a generosity inferior only to his seuse of public duty, he reduced the emoluments of his situation to 7,000l.; emolu

"the opinion of the country stands unequivo"cally pronounced, and which passed this "House after being matured by discussions "the most anxious and laborious, it feels called upon to re-assert its firm admiration of the principal and leading provisions of that great measure; and of expressing its

scarcely audible in the gallery, seconded the motion; and expressed his hope that, by taking this decided step, the House would contribute to the preservation of public tranquillity.

ments which arising from fees in bankruptcy, I allude; but, consistently with what is due in a former year accumulated as we have been to our own opinion-consistently with what is told to 23,000l. And in establishing a Court due to the recorded sense of this Houseof Bankruptcy he has refused, in compensa- consistently. with what is due to the pledge tion of the sacrifice which he has made, any which I have given to my constituents-conaddition to his retiring pension. Sir, in as- sistently with what I conceive to be my duty serting the right of my noble Friend and my to my country-I will, trespassing no longer honourable Friends to the confidence of the upon your patience, move the following ResoHouse and the country, I have put other mat- [lution :-"That while this House deeply laters more forward than the great measure, the "ments the recent fate of the Bill for reformloss of which we are considering to-night," ing the Representation, in favour of which because their services in those particulars are less generally known; and because I wish to establish their claim to the confidence of the House, to that confidence which I am sure the country will echo, as well on their other measures as on that great and all-important" measure, without which I readily admit all the rest would be of no avail; and which, when-"confidence in the integrity, perseverance, and ever it takes effect, as I trust it will after no "ability of those Ministers who, in the introvery long delay (hear, hear), if the people are "ducing and conducting of that measure, have orderly and quiet, and if his Majesty's Go-" so well consulted the best interests of the vernment are firm and persevering (hear," country." (Hear, hear, hear.) hear), will consolidate and confirm all the Sir C. DUNDAS, in a low tone of voice, other blessings of the British Constitution. Sir, in these remarks I have avoided saying anything, aud in what remains I shall dwell as shortly as possible on what has passed in another place. (Hear, hear.) I can have no wish, I am sure I have no wish, to speak harshly of Sir ROBERT PEEL could but regret that the the Members of the other House of Parliament. hon. and gallant Member should think it neThere are many among them individuals, cessary to put a hypothetical case of establishwho, I conceive, have taken a most unfortu- ing a government of the sword. (Hear, hear.) nate and mistaken view of this great sub Such hypothetical assumptions of governments ject, but who, I am sure, are as incapable of established of the sword was like the pouring giving a dishonest or corrupt vote on any of oil, of which the learned Member had just question as I hope I am myself. The same spoken, (cheers),-it was pouring the oil of credit which I claim on such points, I am the sword on the stormy waves of our present willing, and am indeed bound, to give to all discontent (cheers), when honourable memwho composed the recent majority of the House bers said that they wished that the angry of Lords. (Hear, hear.) There was one of passions might be soothed, and that the exthat majority, by far the most able, the most cited feelings of the people might be calmed. eloquent, and the most enlightened, of all the He had meant to take no other part in this opponents of the measure-I am sure no one discussion than was necessary to vindicate can mistake the individual to whom I allude; his own consistency in the vote he should one to whom I am attached [here the noble give, and he should not have departed from Lord was much moved], not more by the ties that determination, had not the speeches of family connexion than by those of the lately made formed such a signal contrast to greatest respect and affection; a man distin- the speech of the noble Lord who opened the guished by everything most amiable, by debate, and the hon. Member who seconded everything most honourable and disinterested the motion. The noble Lord meant by proin the human character. (Hear, hear.) He, posing his resolution to pledge the majority I am sure, has on this, as on every other occa- who had passed the bill to adhere to its prinsion in his life, been swayed by no other than ciples. The noble Lord naturally expected than the purest and most patriotic motives; that the Members who voted in that majority by the conviction that in the course he was would vote for his resolution; and naturally taking he was consulting that which has been perceived that those who voted against the bill, the sole object of his political career-the best were precluded by that from acceding to his interests of his country. I say this of my no-resolution. When the learned gentleman who ble friend; and I am sure I am not disposed had just spoken said nothing had been uttered to speak disrespectfully or unkindly of those on the principle of the resolution, did he exwho coincided with my noble Friend in opi-pect, did the House expect, after the long disnion. And I trust those of my honourable Friends who may follow me will allow me respectfuly to urge my earnest request that they will exercise the same forbearance. (Hear, hear.) I have practised this forbearance from the respect which I feel for the body to which

cussion of what the honourable and learned Gentleman called disgusting and weary details of the bill; did the honourable and learned Member expect that on that occasion they were to renew the whole debate on the question of Parliamentary reform? Those who

the resolution he proposed cut off all hope for ever of moving one step toward reconciliation. The honourable Gentleman has a strange policy, for while he recommends the House to go half-way, he recommends it steadily to adhere to the bill. (Cheers) He hoped to meet the other House half-way, and he counselled the House of Commons not to move one step. (Cheers.) The tone of the honourable Gentleman's speech was that of mode

would now vote for the resolution had already | be most unfortunate if his Majesty had no proved their approbation of the principle of other alternative to pass the bill but to create reform; and he must consider it quite unne- a number of Peers. He said that every other cessary that those should again agitate the measure ought to be adopted in preference to subject who had expressed their opinions by that, and that such an alternative should be voting against the second reading of the bill. only had recourse to if all other means failed; The object should rather be, to place the sub- he was anxious that the House should not ject at rest; and he did not think the agitation despair, and thought that there was yet time was likely to be calmed by again renewing to avoid the difficulty by meeting the Peers the discussion. It would be more meet, un- half-way. (Hear, hear.) But if he entertained der the present circumstances, to use the lan-any hope of that, was his course wise? Why, guage of wise moderation. The great majority of the House had no occasion to prove, by the present resolution, their attachment to reform; and they would best support the constitution, and best secure their own view of being very moderate, and calming the excited feelings of the people on this important subject, by voting against the motion. Nothing certainly which had happened should make him not adhere to that moderation he recommended. He could not forget that on the last time he had ad-ration, but he supported a resolution which dressed the House, he had expressed his satis- cut off all hopes of a compromise. (No, faction that no personal differences had taken no.) Was it not evident that there was a place during the debate, and the noble Lord contradiction between the hon. Gentleman's (Althorp's) reply had expressed a hope that speech and the resolution he supported? all animosity would be buried. He knew not Hon. Members must see that the resolution what necessity there was now to revive ani- was a compulsory proposition. Another hor. mosity. (Hear, hear.) It was not justified by Gentleman had said that the provisions of the the occasion on either side, either in defend-bill might have been modified, had it not been ing the Administration or in assigning the for the obstinacy of the opposition. (Hear, reasons in detail for withholding confidence hear.) The Government certainly could not from the Government. In stating some accept that defence. According to that, it of the grounds for withholding that confi- was the troublesome opposition which predence, he should avoid all acrimonious dis-vented the bill from being made perfect; but cussion. If the majority thought it advisable the vote the House was called on to come to, to agree to a resolution to support the bill, implied that it had been improved by their in order to place it upon the records of the obstinacy. It was urged, as one ground for House, that was not the time for him to enter the resolution, that the bill had been matured into verbal criticism of the resolution, for by discussions the most anxious and laborious, which he certainly did not mean to vote. And the fault he had to find with the resolu He, however, doubted, under the circum-tion was, that it implied that this Bill was stances, if it were wise in the noble Lord to call on the majority to agree to such a reso lution. He thought the divisions on the bill a sufficient proof of the determination of the House to support the bill, without entering into any such resolution. That resolution called upon the House to affirm two propositions, not necessarily connected. They were called upon to declare in favour of the Reform Bill, and to declare, at the same time, that his Majesty's Government was deserving of their confidence. He thought it unwise to call on the House to assent to the two propositions in one resolution, and it would be more complimentary to his Majesty's Govern-person of high consideration, that the argu ment, as well as more customary, to give ex pression to the confidence of the House in a distinct resolution. Allow him to say to the hon. Gentleman opposite, that he had heard his speech with great pleasure, and was only prevented from giving it great praise by the compliment the honourable Member had thought proper to pay to him; but that speech was distinguished by a tone of moderation which the majority would do well to adopt. The honourable Gentleman thought it would

necessary to be adhered to, when an equally efficient measure might be introduced, which this resolution would preclude them from accepting. Why pledge the House to the bill as it stood, and why exclude themselves from accepting another measure equivalent to that? The resolution pledged the House to all the provisions of the bill-it pledged the House to the 107. clause. One of the many provisions, which was much iusisted upon, and which was much objected to, was the uniform right of voting given to the 107. householders. Now he had heard it stated, he could not say where or by whom, but he had heard it stated by a

ments on the uniform right of voting had gone far to shake his mind, and he should be prepared to listen to extensive modifications That was an important part of the bill, and most important if not restricted. The framers of the bill had invested the right of vot ing, and perhaps some plau might be acceptable which would give that right to small towns at a lower rate, and restrict it to a higher rent in the larger towns. That right might be modified; but if the House agreed

man, and his observations on the present state of domestic danger. Why did the honourable Gentleman seek, by stating strange principles, and exaggerating difficulties, to increase that danger? Why did he seek to augment dangerous passions on dan

to the resolution, they would pledge them- lamented some of the expressions, and the selves against any modification of the pro-tone adopted by the hon. and learned Gentlevisions of the Lill. They might pledge them selves, if they pleased, to adhere to the prin ciple of the bill, but by pledging themselves to adhere to the provisions, they would prevent all improvement. On these grounds he objected to the resolution. He doubted the policy of the majority who had supported the bill, pledg-gerous topics? (Cheers.) He must say, that ing itself and the House to adopt the bill. the eloquence of the hon. and learned GentleHe had heard the hon. and learned Gentleman man not unfrequently got the better of his complain of the weariness of discussions, judgment; and now and then, when there while the resolution said that the bill had been was some semblance of argument in his dematured by discussions the most anxious and clamation, when it was examined, it was laborious. The noble Lord's resolution vin- found to make rather against than for his side dicated the pertinacious opposition, and on of the question. Then the hon. Gentleman these grounds called on the House. The re- had stated that the House of Commons was solution embraced two subjects-that of re- generally, in relation to the House of Lords, form, and confidence in the Government. The in the right, and the bills it had sent up to the House was called upon to express its confidence Lords, though at first refused, were afterwards in the integrity of the Ministers, their perse- assented to; but if the House of Commons had verance, and their ability in introducing the this general means of persuading or compelReform Bill, and in conducting it through the ling the House of Lords to adopt its views, House. He did not wish by any means to what became of that part of the hon. Member's lower the character and weaken the power of argument which went to state, that the House the executive Government; and in expressing of Commons was dependent on the House of a difference of opinion from the resolution, he Lords? Did not that prove that the two begged to be understood as not implying any Houses were independent, co-ordinate powers, doubt of the personal integrity or perseverance and that the opinion of the House of Commons of the Ministers; neither did he express any generally prevailed? (Hear.) He was sorry doubt of their ability in debates; but without that the hon. and learned Gentleman, in talkdoubting their personal integrity, their perse-ing of danger, had again introduced menaces verance, or their skill in debate, he might still be far from placing confidence in them as a Government. He could not, for example, extend his approbation to the manner in which they had introduced the Reform Bill, nor the time of introducing it, both of which were, in his opinion, inconsistent with the interest of the country. The resolution praised their conduct on these points, and against that part of it he could give a conscientious vote. There were several other parts of their conduct which he did not approve of. Their repeal of the coal duties had his approbation; but their foreign policy, which he would not enter into, was any-thing but favourable to the country; but without stating all his objections to their policy, it was sufficient for him to say that the Government was not entitled to his confidence on account of the manner in which they had introduced and supported the Reform Bill. The hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay) said, that refusing to acknowledge the principles of this bill, would expose us to a greater domestic danger than this country had ever before been exposed to. The hon. and learned Gentleman had referred to this state of do mestic dauger, and to the public opinion on the subject, as a reason why the House should place confidence in his Majesty's Government, as a means of continuing and repressing this agitation. (Hear.) But when he looked at the extent to which the bill went, the time it was introduced, and the means by which its temporary success was insured (hear, hear), he was doubtful how much of the damage had been caused by the Government itself. He

"

into his speech (hear, hear)-that he had
thought it right to menace the House of Lords.
The hon. and learned Gentleman's whole ar-
gument turned upon the principle of intole-
rance-I am right, and you are wrong. That
was the whole of the hon. and learned Gentle-
man's assumption. (Hear.) He thought, how-
ever, that he was supported by physical power,
and then he said, "You must give way.'
(Cheers.) Could he not think that he was
addressing high and honourable men, who
were capable of being influenced by reason
and argument; and would it not have been
more to expect to influence the decision of the
other House by reasoning than by threats—
that if they did not pass the bill they should be
proscribed and exiled like the nobility of
France? (Cheers.) The hon. and learned
Gentleman says, that it is important to pro-
duce tranquillity; and, therefore, he voted for
the resolution of the noble Lord; but, if he
wished for tranquillity, would he call upon the
House to enter into a pledge which excited
hopes, perhaps encouraged discontent, and
kept alive agitation? The hon. Member in-
dulged in prophecies; and he never heard
prophecies more likely to realize themselves,
than those of the hon. and learned Member.
Instead of calling on the people to demand the
bill, why not enjoin them to rest satisfied and
contented? Why encourage discontent and
dissatisfaction? Why-tell the people how
they might resist the law (cheers) as the hon.
and learned Gentleman did? The hon. and
learned Gentleman (Mr. O'Connell) had al-
luded to the state of the metropolis, when an

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that a majority had a fixed determination to support the bill, but a determination to support the law; and that all language which tended to influence the passions of the people

infamous attack had been made upon the life of the Prime Minister, and that Prime Minister the Duke of Wellington; an act of the basest ingratitude and the greatest, wicked ness. The hon. and learned Gentleman had all measures which tended to excite their alluded to the intended attack on the Duke of hopes, would only end in greater disappointWellington. [Mr. Macaulay intimated that ment to all. They ought not to refer to the he had not alluded to any such thing.] No, possibility-they ought not to teach the people it was the honourable Member for Kerry he that it was easy to refuse the payment of taxes was alluding to; but when that hon. Mem--they ought not to exaggerate the amount of ber had spoken of the base attack to be made public meetings, and encourage others. It on the life of the Duke of Wellington, not in- was easy enough to say that 150,000 men asdeed by the middle classes, but by the lowest sembled here and 40,000 there, but before classes, the hon. and learned Member for such assertions were made individuals ought Calne had explained how they might avoid to be correct as to the facts, for such statethe penalties of the law, and avoid paying the ments led men to meet in other places; and taxes. (Hear.) Was not that exciting the such meetings do not take place, though for a passions of the people? (Hear, hear.) The legal object, without exciting apprehensions in hon. and learned Gentleman deplored the ex- the well-disposed, and without exposing the cesses of the people and their readiness to re- public peace to danger. Great masses of men sist the law, and said it was hardly necessary could not meet without exciting apprehension. to make a speech directing them how to show He wished that honourable Members would their hostility. He would also say a few warn the people of the consequences of disowords to the other hon. and learned Gentle-beying the law, particularly of refusing to pay man (Mr. Shiel), who had imitated the hon. the taxes. The whole community was deeply and learned Gentleman, but had fallen below interested in preserving obedience to the law. him. He would not follow the hon. and It was not for the advantage of the few, but learned Gentleman, being warned by his ex-for the benefit of us all; and those mad proample that the ambition to make a great ceedings now talked of would paralyse inattempt does not ensure success. (Cheers.) dustry, suspend commerce, and inflict the The sentences of the hon. and learned Gentle- most grievous injury on the lowest classes. man bore the marks of much labour, and were Again he would say, that the people should be a credit to his industry. He had given the informed that the privileges of the peers, House several old stories, and among others which were now so lightly brought into disthat of the Sybil, and on her he thought the cussion, were not-conferred on the peers for House had already drawn often enough during the gratification of their personal vanitythese debates; and he hoped that the rules of they were not so much personal privileges, the House concerning females would, in fuas privileges conferred for the benefit of the ture, be extended to her, and she would not be suffered again to be present at the debates. (A laugh.) There was another female mentioned by Burke of whom the hon. and learned Member reminded him. Mr. Burke said that some persons who imitated the contortions of the Pythian Goddess thought they had caught her inspiration. (Cheers and laughter.) The hon. and learned Gentleman thought the whole essence of Toryism might be condensed into one short word, and that short word was East Retford. (A laugh.) He wished his honourable Friend, the Member for Hertford, were present, for he could tell the honourable aud learned Member that he proposed extending the franchise of East Retford to Bassetlaw, and it was rather singular that the honourable and learned Member should have selected the act of a good old Whig to designate the party of the Tories. (A laugh.). He hoped he had not said, one word to add to the excitement which existed on the subject to which the resolution referred, which it was his wish to calm. He understood that his Majesty's Government were to retain office; that they still enjoyed the confidence of their Sovereign, and still hoped to carry the bill. There was I beg the reader to observe that part one thing he thought certain that they were the truest of the speech of Peel where he speaks friends to their country who proclaimed, not of a readiness to new-model the bill as

whole community, and which had on several occasions been useful to the people themselves. The independence of the peers was a guarantee and security to the liberties of the people, and tranquillity would be best preserved by respecting their rights. He did not like to trust himself on this subject of excitement; but when he considered the influence of the Goverument, he was persuaded that if the same means were employed to excite an opinion against the peerage which had been employed on the subject of reform, it would not be difficult to produce a very strong dislike to it. In conclusion, the right honourable Gentleman declared that all who had voted for the Reform Bill would probably vote for the resolution, while all who had opposed the bill were bound in consistency to vote against the resolution. (Hear.)

Lord ERRINGTON replied.-The House divided—

For the Motion...
Against...

Majority.......

329

198

131

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