་ 66 68 give offence in any quarter, I must" in the rest. Therefore, my Lords, I 'say, that I am so far moved by some say the question is one for the Com"points urged as to be ready to recon-"mittee. (Hear, hear.) In the small "sider some matters upon which I had" town the 10%. householder is gene"deemed that my mind was sufficiently rally an easy man. Twenty pounds "made up. I am bound to say, on the was originally destined for the qualifi"other hand, that in the greater pro- "cation; but upon inquiry into the 81 portion of objections to this bill, I circumstances of the small towns "not only cannot concur, but that, throughout the kingdom, we were in"judging as dispassionately as any man "duced to abandon it. We found one " in this House, they have left my mind " town of 18,000 inhabitants, in which "altogether uninfluenced as far as re"there were not over twenty 101. gards the bulk of its principles."houses. (Hear, hear.) And now, my (Cheers.)" "Lords, as to the class of men occupyThis was a preparing of the way. ing these 101. houses. In some towns There then followed an hour of very "the 107. householder is, a small shopunmeaning stuff, having neither state-" keeper-in other towns he is a shopment nor argument; calculated merely keeper of a better order-in others a to amuse and bewilder the people. And" mechanic-in others foreman to some then, by-and-by, some good strong stuff" great manufactory-in others a laabout the rotten boroughs; but in the "bourer-in others an artisan; but midst of it, and as it were by accident," generally he is a man above want-a out dropped the following, which I" man who has a house over his head, quote word for word, begging the reader" and a family that interests him, to pay particular attention to every word" (Hear, hear.) Now, if noble Lords, of it. "speaking upon the question in gene 66 "But, my Lords, touching the bo-"ral, choose to object to this qualifica " roughs, I say it is not true that the" tion that it is uniform, and say that it "borough representation is founded on" ought to be different in divers places 86 population. Ten pound householders!"-lower in the smaller towns, and cr -now that is taken as the test. You" higher in the larger—I will not say "do not say to a man, You must be a "that I agree with them; I will not "freeholder-or, you must possess a "not say what was originally my opi"certain property in money or goods; "nion-I will not tell the reasons that "but you take the ancient constitu- " now recommend the bill, as it stands, "tional criterion of his being an inhabi-" to my support; but I will say that "tant householder. If we were to whoever holds that doctrine will find grant the franchise to all inhabitant" me ready to secure for him the most "householders, then it might be fairly" ample-the most scrutinizing-the "said we proceeded upon the principle" most candid discussion of the subject "of population. But we do not-for" in the Committee. I speak as an in"we restrict the generality that such a" dividual; candour compels me to say "principle would require when we de- thus much. But I, at the same time, "clare that a resident householder must" say that it is emphaticallly a subject "have no less a qualification than that" for the Committee. (Cheers.)" "of renting a house at ten pounds per Now, what does this mean? Will annum. In London and the great any man of sincerity pretend that it "towns in the Tower Hamlets-in does not clearly mean that he is ready Marybonne-I allow that the renting to give up the ten pound suffrage in "of a 101. house is a low qualification. great towns, and to make it a twenty "(Hear, hear.) But this does not affect pound suffrage? At least, that he is "the principle of the bill. (Hear, hear.) ready to give up the ten pound suffrage "Ten pounds is only a low qualification in great towns? Mark him he says "in London and the other large towns. that if noble Lords think that the "It is by no means a low qualification suffrage ought to be lower in smaller towns, and higher in larger towns, he will not say that he agrees with them he will not say what was originally his opinion; he will not tell them the reasons for which he now supports the bill; but he will say that whoever holds that doctrine will find him ready to secure for him the most ample, the most scrutinizing, the most candid discussion of the subject in a Committee! Then he says, that he speaks AS AN INDIVIDUAL! breakers, which, on Saturday and Sunday, and even on Monday, appeared to be very close at hand. Lord GREY, observe, had expressed his determination to stand or fall by the bill. The two Lords, MELBOURNE and GODERICH, clearly expressed their determination to stand by their leader. Lord DURHAM, though he did not speak in the debate, might be assumed to have done the same. From Lord HOLLAND no declaration was necessary; but, from Lord LANSDOWNE there dropped no expression indicative of such determination; while we had from the Chanceilor the passages which I have above quoted, and which were quite enough for me. Is there a man in his senses who does not see that this was saying that he felt himself at liberty to differ from Lord Grey in opinion as to this part of the bill? It is impossible for a man to shut his eyes to this truth; and, then, look at the passage quoted before, where he On the Saturday and Sunday those says that, having weighed the argu- things were made known to the public “ments on both sides, and being careless by degrees which had been known to "whether I give offence IN ANY BROUGHAM many days before. He saw, QUARTER, I must say that I am so long before the debate was concluded, "far moved by some points urged as to that there would be a decided majority "be ready to reconsider some matters, against the bill. He had heard, withupon which I had deemed that my out doubt, that which the public learnt "mind was sufficiently made up." It on Saturday and Sunday; namely, that is utterly impossible to look at these fears existed that the King would be passages without believing that the prevailed upon to refuse to make a new speaker meant to signify his readiness creation of peers, without which the bill to quit Lord Grey. I put it to the sen- could not be carried, and without carsible reader whether he can come to rying which Lord Grey could not remain any other conclusion. I am sure that in office. The rumour was, that the > he cannot; and this was the conclusion Queen particularly, and that others of to which all sensible men in London the Royal Family, but particularly the came instantly upon reading the speech. Queen, was opposed to the passing of So general was this conclusion, that the this bill. There is no doubt that the rumour all day on Sunday and on Mon- greater part of the persons, if not all, imday was, that a new Ministry was about mediately surrounding the King, wished to be formed, of which the head was the bill not to pass; but the public to be Lord HARROWBY, and BROUGHAM could know nothing about the matter. the Lord Chancellor. When I went However, the newspapers had taken into London on Monday morning, a the liberty to talk of it, and that, too, gentleman stopped me in Fleet-street, pretty familiarly; and now, observe, and asked me if I did not see clearly that the Earl of Winchilsea, during the that BROUGHAM meant to abandon Lord second day's debate, took occasion, GREY, and to make part of a new Mi-without any apparent immediate necesnistry. I had not, at that time, read, attentively, the speech of Brougham; but this question induced me to do it. With regard to his schemes about a new Ministry, I could not tell; but it was plain enough that he was preparing the way for getting into the long-boat, and leaving Lord GREY amongst the 4 sity, to pronounce a lofty eulogium on He at 66 66 but particularly its slanders on the That is to say, that, if he could find Queen. His words, as reported in the out the slanderer, he would put him to MORNING CHRONICLE of the 5th of Oc-death! This terrible menace might not tober, were these:-"I approach the have been really uttered by his Lordship; "consideration, my Lords, uninfluenced but the words were published; and it "also by the unreasonable clamours of must be supposed, that his Lordship did a portion of the people, whether they say something of this sort. Most people "be incited by unprincipled dema-think his Lordship much too gentle a gogues, or by the degraded and licen-man and too much disinclined to blood"tious press, which for the last twelve shed to entertain serious thoughts of "months has been heaping the vilest acting in so deadly a manner towards the "calumnies upon the aristocracy of writer of a paragraph, who, perhaps, inEngland, and especially upon that tended not the smallest harm to the portion of this House which should Queen or to any-body else, and, there"dare to use their privileges for the fore, people naturally thought, as I preservation of the constitution. That thought, that the words were intended, "licentious press, which has, I may if uttered at all, to catch the eye of the say, levelled your Lordships' rights, Queen; and to encourage her, if she "and whose power is directed against really had been exercising her power in every-thing sacred, exercises a tyranny hostility to the bill, to persevere in that as inconsistent with true liberty as the hostility. Certainly, the words, if uttered despotism of the most arbitrary mo- at all, were not uttered for nothing; and "narch that ever existed. In resisting the reader will judge for himself, whe"that tyranny, my Lords, we shall be ther they could be uttered for any other supported by every man whose vote purpose. "is worth soliciting, or his assistance The bill was, as we have seen, thrown "worth having. All such men will out at six o'clock on the Saturday mornsupport us against that portion of the ing. The Courier newspaper, which is press which has poured out its venom the demi-official paper of the Governupon an illustrious female of the ment, and which was published on the highest rank in this country, whose afternoon of Saturday, contained the fol"conduct both in private and in public lowing paragraph, to which I beg the "has engaged the esteem and admira-particular attention of the reader. "We "tion of all who can appreciate worth" are now to consider what course the "and virtue. But the calumnious" Ministry will probably take at this press has held her up to odium as exgreat crisis. It may be an inconveni“ercising an unconstitutional influence" ence to the House of Peers, and offen3: against the Reform Bill of his Ma-sive to some persons out of doors to have jesty's Ministers. (Hear, hear.) Would "fifty or sixty new Members added to the to God that I knew the vile slanderer" Peerage; but such a proceeding would "the anonymous defamer. If I knew" be attended with no earthly danger; "the calumniator, humble individual as "whereas, not to take it would in all "I am, I would undertake that he " probability cause convulsion and dis"should never utter another slander." may. There can be no doubt, there"As I would think myself justified be-"fore, that his Majesty's Ministers "fore God in raising my hand against" ought to advise a new creation of "the enemy who should threaten my "Peers. Whether they will do so or country with invasion, so should I not will in a few hours be known. "feel justified in chastising the slanderer This, you will observe, made a part of "of one who is dear to my country, and the paper, which was going forth that. "who has shown her desire to promote evening to all parts of the country; but "the happiness of the people, by up- after the putting of this paragraph into holding every-thing virtuous, justly the paper, the press was stopped, for "feeling that a nation's happiness de- the purpose of inserting the following: "pends on the virtues which adorn the " At a moment of such anxiety as the "female character. (Hear.)" 66 66 66 66 present, when every mind is on the "ments in the Cabinet.-Lord Howe ar"stretch, and every conjecture afloat as "rived at the Castle at six o'clock this "to the probable course which Ministers evening, and had an interview with 66 will pursue, it is with the highest de-"his Majesty." Here was coming to gree of satisfaction that we are at the christening of the child of a Duke "least enabled to assure our readers of opposed to reform; here was no coming "this fact. On the precise line of con- to London until the 15th; and here "duct which it will be advisable to was Lord Howe, after having voted adopt, Ministers themselves, we have against the Reform Bill, going down to reason to believe, have not finally de- Windsor, and having a talk with the "cided. With respect to the suggestion King. The Windsor newspaper might "made in another part of our paper, lie; but was it likely that the author "that a sufficient number of Peers be of it, living under the nose of the court, ❝created to carry the measure of reform and sustained by its breath, would insert "triumphantly through the Upper such matter as this, without believing "House, difficulties, it seems, present that it would not offend persons about "themselves to the minds of others, the court; I ask was that likely? Be"which, we confess, are not apparent sides, if the statement had been false, "to our own. We would not, however, and had been displeasing to persons at press a measure which, in the present the Castle, is it not likely that it would "hour of difficulty, and almost of dis- have been contradicted? may, might tend to embarrass the Thus stood matters on Sunday mornGovernment, and, above all, increase ing, the 9th of October. But in the "the personal annoyances to which his meanwhile, the reformers had not been "Majesty has been subjected, by indi-idle. The great parishes, forming the “viduals whose relative situation should "have prescribed to them a very different course. suburbs of the city of London, and containing the better part of a million of people, had all given notice of their inHere the thing became plain; and if tention to meet on the Monday to delihere were no authority at all, all the berate on the steps to be pursued. The world knew that Lord Howe, the Common Council of the city of London CHAMBERLAIN TO THE QUEEN, met at once, on Saturday night, and had voted against the Reform Bill. So agreed to an address to the King, bethat taking these things together, seeching him to retain his Ministers, with the seemingly uncalled-for pas-and Lord GREY by name, and to use the sage above-mentioned, in the speech of powers which the constitution had gi the Earl of WINCHILSEA, the public ven him in order to cause the Reform mind was put in a state of agitation not Bill to be passed. A Common Hall of easily to be described. Upon the back the city had been called to meet on of all this, the Windsor newspaper Monday for the same purpose. People brought us up the following cool para-almost unanimously agreed to shut up graph on the Sunday morning. No-their shops and to suspend all business thing could well exceed the simplicity until an answer to their addresses had of it, and hardly any thing surpass the been received from the King. In short, alarm which it excited in the minds of the all was in a state of agitation; and, people. "WINDSOR, Oct. 8.-This day Lord EBRINGTON had, on the Friday "the weather prevented the Royal party moved for a call of the House of Coni"from leaving the Castle.-Their Ma- mons on Monday, and given notice of a "jesties go to London on the 15th in-motion in support of the Ministers. So *stant to attend the christening of the that it was convenient to the Lord · "Duke of Buccleugh's infant son, and Chancellor that he had Sunday to re"will return the same night to Windsor. pose himself and to reflect on the speech "It is expected that the Royal departure which he had made on the Saturday "for Brighton will be now retarded in morning. This time of repose gave him consequence of the existing arrange- leisure for that "re-consideration" of Lord EBRINGTON then rose, and spoke nearly as follows:-Mr. Speaker, although I never rose to address you without experiencing a degree of difficulty and embarrassment; it yet, might naturally have been expected, that on an occasion like this, that difficulty and that embarrassment would have been increased tenfold. But so momentous are the circumstances under which the House is at present assembled, so awful is the crisis of public afaddress you, that I must confess the sense of fairs under which I feel myself called upon to the importance of the occasion supersedes all Lord GREY'S Bill of Reform, of his There was a fine speech by Mr. O'Cox"readiness" to re-consider which h NELL; but I must content myself with had so glibly talked in his speech, he selecting merely the matter which having been "careless of the offence serves to show the state of the political that he might give in any quarter." parties and their views at this moment. In short, the storm which he must have When the reader has gone through seen brewing on the Sunday, disposed these two speeches, he will please to him, I dare say, to "re-consider his follow me in my narrative and observaspeech, rather than "re-consider " the tions. points in the bill of Lord GREY, upon which he had thought before that he had made up his mind. If he were slow in this work of re-consideration on the Sunday, the intelligence of Monday was very well calculated to accelerate the operations of his mind; for, while the metropolis echoed and re-echoed the resolution not to pay taxes till the Reform Bill should be passed, from the country came the news that every-thing was tending to uproar; that the houses of the enemies of reform had been gut-that private and personal feeling which has ted in some places; that, at others, weighed so heavily on me at other periods, houses had been set fire to; that every- I never before felt, in my humble endeavour and gives me a degree of encouragement which where the yeomanry had resolved not to to perform the great and solemn duty which serve under enemies of reform; that no have this night engaged to discharge. (Hear, man could tell what next was to happen: hear, hear.) Sir, I have, moreover, the satisand that a pressure for gold instead of faction of knowing that the fate of the motion which I shall do myself the honour of submitpaper was expected in every part of the ting to the House will not be determined by country. All this must have been sub-any arguments which my feeble voice may ject of deep meditation with him on the Monday. It must have been subject of meditation with the opposition Lords, too; for, when they met on the Monday evening, and when it was expected that they would have broached their plan of reform, they did nothing at all; but they gave evident signs at not feeling very triumphantly at what they had done. In the House of Commons, on the sime evening, Lord Ebrington brought forward his motion, the words of which will be found at the end of his speech, which I am about to insert, and which, as will be seen, was carried by a majority so great as that of a hundred and thirteen; a majority greater than that by which the Reform Bill itself had been carried. This motion had no other object than to pledge the House to stand by Lord GREY, and that pledge gave. I shall insert here only the speeches of Lord EBRINGTON on the one side and of PEEL on the other. I urge in favour of its adoption. I am well aware that there are sitting around me many who have read the signs of the times, and who individuals of great and acknowledged ability, are acquainted with the circumstances in which the country is placed much better than I can pretend to be, and who are ready to support me in the course which I humbly propose to take. Their statements and their arguments will give ten-fold force and impression to any-thing that I may be able to say on the subject. I have also, Sir, the I am about to recommend to this House is satisfaction of knowing that the course which simply a confirmation of that which they have already declared to be their opinion. (Hear, hear, hear.) And I am convinced that the and the manliness to acknowledge its own deHouse of Commons, which has had the virtue ficiences, and to pass a bill for its own reformation, will not be at the present time disposed to recede from maintaining its own consistency hear, hear, hear); from vindicating its own rights (hear, hear hear); and from redeeming those pledges which its members have so solemnly given to their constituents. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I do not deny that I am one of those by whom such pledges have been given. I did not give those pledges for the paltry purpose of securing my seat in this House; for I believe that if such only had been my |