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COBBETT'S

POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOLUME LXXIV.

FROM OCTOBER 1, TO DECEMBER 24, 1831,

INCLUSIVE.

Printed and Published by the Author at 11, Bolt Court, Fleet Street.

1831.

VOL. 74.-No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 1ST, 1831.

No. II.

TO THE

[Price Is. 2d,

address! There is no such thing: there is nothing contradicted, much less controverted; and the whole thing ends with a CAVIL about the mode of voting at elections, about the suffrage, and about the duration of Parliaments; things relative to which the Address contained not a single word, but about which I shall have a word or two to say presently, coupling this critic with my critical friend Mr. Paice, of Upton-on

ELECTORS OF MANCHESTER. Severn, and taking my leave of both of

Kensington, 1st October, 1831.

them with a single bow intended to be divided between them. But after the

Gentlemen, AGREEABLY to the promise which I CAVIL, Mr. PRENTICE, who was REmade you in my Address No. 1, dated SOLVED not to pass over defects and on the 1st of September, I now proceed omissions, thinks it becoming in him to to maintain, by statement and by argu-go very widely out of his way in order ment, the justice, the expediency and to conclude with a falsehood. He says the easy practicability, of the thirteen that he feels himself "compelled" to measures described by me in that Ad- notice my opinions about slavery in the dress No. 1, beginning with the first stated measure of the thirteen. But before I set out in the discharge of this duty, I hope that you will excuse me if I stop a minute, to notice some remarks" of the Manchester Times, (under date of the 17th of September) upon that address, which remarks it is impossible to read without calling to mind« POPE's beautiful description of literary to hold their black brethren in thralenvy:

"Willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike;

Just hint a fault and hesitate dislike."

66

colonies. Stripping the thing of its useless words, he says that I have branded as canters and hypocrites, not only ALL who have expressed themselves as opposed to the continuance of slavery in our colonies, but ALL who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed in order to enable the owners of estates in the West Indies

"dom." Here are two assertions, and both of them malignantly false: First, never in my life did I denominate as Mr. PRENTICE, who is the writer of canters and hypocrites "all" those who this paper, sets out with professing his have petitioned for the abolition of Ne"perfect willingness to admit all the gro Slavery; but, on the contrary, have "merit of the Address, but with a RE-always said that they were a mass of "SOLUTION not to pass its defects and people, ninety-nine out of every hundred ❝omissions unnoticed." After such an outset, who would not have expected a complete analysis, and something like refutation of something contained in the

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of whom had their good and kind feelknaves, who were seeking the gratifica ings perverted by crafty and selfish tion of their own pecuniary interest, and their low and dirty ambition, at the

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nothing at all about this matter, but has the stupid effrontery to say, that I have called canters and hypocrites all who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed in order to enable West Indian owners to keep slaves. If the "schoolmaster really be "abroad," it is evident that he has not yet called on Mr. Prentice, who might advantageously take a lesson on grammar as well as on politics. The blacks may be Mr. PREnTICE's brethren, for any-thing that I

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risk of producing internal war and ge- sister, is also paid by the West Indies. neral bloodshed; and in the total ruin of This Mr. PRENTICE appears to know the only really valuable colonies which belong to this country. So much for the first falsehood of Mr. PRENTICE. Sufficiently malignant that falsehood. But, gentlemen, how shall I express my contempt of the man who could have put upon paper the second falsehood; namely, that I have branded also as canters and hypocrites "all who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed, "in order to enable the owners of estates in the West Indies to hold their "black brethren in thraldom? There know or care; but the West India is no answer to a falsehood like this, proprietors and occupiers are the breother than that of calling the utterers of thren of Englishmen ; and Englishmen the falsehood by a name which need not have stood by and seen them taxed be put upon paper, but which will sug- without mercy; but have never paid gest itself to every man. But, gentlemen, one farthing of tax for them. In short, the thing to admire here is, the profound, Gentlemen, with regard to this Negro the gross, the worse than animal IGNO- question, this is what I have always RANCE of this Mr. Prentice, who sets said; that I never employed a slave for himself up as a teacher of politics to the a single moment in my life; that, in enlightened people of Manchester. He the abstract, I hate slavery; that it is does not know, then, that the old West an abomination to observe men to be India Islands have not taken from Eng- silent with regard to the sufferings of land, for ages and ages, one single penny the Irish, aye, and of the English too, in the way of tax; that, while millions while they are affecting to be shocked on millions have been squandered on at the treatment of the Negroes, while the worthless colonies of North Ame- it is notorious that there is no Negro rica, the West Indies have not only slave who is not better fed and more maintained their own internal govern- kindly treated, not only than the halfment and paid the troops stationed starved and hunted-down Irish; but there, but have been loaded with enor- also than the far greater part of the mous charges in the shape of pensions weavers of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and sinecures to the aristocracy of that the question of emancipation of the England. He does not know, then, Negroes demands the decision of a that the great sinecures of the two previous question, namely, whether it be WYNDHAMS, in virtue of which they desirable for us to keep the West Indies have received nearly about a mil- or not? For that without Negro lion of money, have been paid by the slavery we cannot keep them. This is West Indies. He does not know what I have always said upon the subthen that governors, deputy-governors, ject of Negro slavery, and we see that all sorts of law officers, whole tribes of the colonies are now threatening to lords and ladies that we see swaggering separate from us. But, Gentlemen, if about in England, draw their pensions any of you happen to have a twist upon from the West Indies. He does not this subject, is it not wonderful that you know, then; this great politician does never ask how it is that the UNITED not know, that even the two famous STATES are so happy and so free, while pensions of the dead BURKE, which I Negro slavery, more rigid than that have so often mentioned, and which are which

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still paid, are paid by the West Indies; heldxists in our West Indies, is up

more than one-half of that and that the famous pension to the two country? Let Mr. PRENTICE, that great HUNNS, Canning's mother and half-doctor in politics, explain to you how

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1

VOL. 74.-No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 1ST, 1831.

No. II.

TO THE

address!

[Price 1s. 2d.

There is no such thing: there is nothing contradicted, much less controverted; and the whole thing ends with a CAVIL about the mode of voting at elections, about the suffrage, and about the duration of Parliaments; things relative to which the Address contained not a single word, but about which I shall have a word or two to say presently, coupling this critic with my critical friend Mr. PRICE, of Upton-on

ELECTORS OF MANCHESTER. Severn, and taking my leave of both of

Gentlemen,

Kensington, 1st October, 1831.

them with a single bow intended to be divided between them. But after the AGREEABLY to the promise which I CAVIL, Mr. PRENTICE, who was REmade you in my Address No. 1, dated SOLVED not to pass over defects and on the 1st of September, I now proceed omissions, thinks it becoming in him to to maintain, by statement and by argu-go very widely out of his way in order ment, the justice, the expediency and to conclude with a falsehood. He says the easy practicability, of the thirteen that he feels himself "compelled” to measures described by me in that Ad- notice dress No. 1, beginning with the first stated measure of the thirteen. But before I set out in the discharge of this duty, I hope that you will excuse me if I stop a minute, to notice some remarks of the Manchester Times, (under date of the 17th of September) upon that address, which remarks it is impossible to read without calling to mind« owners of estates in the West Indies POPE's beautiful description of literary" to hold their black brethren in thralenvy:

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Willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike;

Just hint a fault and hesitate dislike."

Mr. PRENTICE, who is the writer of this paper, sets out with professing his perfect willingness to admit all the "merit of the Address, but with a RE"SOLUTION not to pass its defects and "omissions unnoticed." After such an outset, who would not have expected a complete analysis, and something like refutation of something contained in the

a

colonies. Stripping the thing of its my opinions about slavery in the branded as canters and hypocrites, not useless words, he says that I have only ALL who have expressed themselves as opposed to the continuance of slavery in our colonies, but ALL who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed in order to enable the

"dom." Here are two assertions, and both of them malignantly false: First, never in my life did I denominate as canters and hypocrites “all” those who have petitioned for the abolition of Negro Slavery; but, on the contrary, have always said that they were a mass of people, ninety-nine out of every hundred of whom had their good and kind feelknaves, who were seeking the gratifica ings perverted by crafty and selfish tion of their own pecuniary interest, and their low and dirty ambition, at the

B

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