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United States shall, as in the case of the Mosquito protectorate, concede to England precisely what the people, at least, believed that power had formally relinquished, and acquiesce virtually in her encroachments in Honduras, especially her new Republic of the Islands, we have no doubt she will relinquish the point of honor, and exchange the protectorate of the Mosquitos for that of Balize and the Seven Isles, accompanied by the concession of an equal right to the River San Juan to her new protégé, Costa Rica. If the old Polypus relinquishes her hold in one quarter, it will only be to plant her feelers more firmly elsewhere; and any sacrifice of territory in Nicaragua will be more than compensated by recognitions of rights in another quarter. Depend upon it, it will require all the sagacity, decision, and firmness of the Government of the United States to counteract, and finally defeat, the deep-laid plans of England to obtain a permanent footing in Central America, and seduce it into becoming an accomplice in schemes of which it will eventually become the victim. We believe the time is come when the United States, justified as they will be by the deep and vital interests involved in this controversy, as well as by a disinterested regard to the rights of her neighbors and the principles of International Law, should make the prompt and entire relinquishment of this British policy in Central America a sine qua non to all future friendly relations. Even open enmity is better than a false and hollow appearance of friendship, which only serves on one hand as a cover for deceit, and on the other as an apology for being voluntarily deceived. A decided open foe is less dangerous than a false and interested friend, and it is better to be beaten at once than to be cheated every day of our lives.
Though we have already trespassed on our bounds, and been compelled to omit a notice of many portions of the ExSecretary's very able diplomatic speech, there is one single. point more which we cannot omit. Speaking of what Great Britain had done to prove her sincere desire to carry out the provisions of the ever-to-be-admired Clayton and Bulwer treaty, he says:
"She is desirous not only to disembarrass herself of the protectorate, but has resigned the sovereignty of San Juan, and has proposed the cession of the whole Mosquito country to Nicaragua." The Ex-Secretary omits to add, that this cession of a territory to Nicaragua, which of right already belonged to her, is accompanied by the payment of tribute to the illustrious potentate "who is as much a king as you or I,” and
by a recognition of equal sovereignty over the River San Juan on the part of Costa Rica, the new protectorate. The Ex-Secretary, however, goes on to say:
"If a suspicion of bad faith, which I do not admit, could rest upon either party; if there were a disposition to cavil upon the occasion, it might be said rather that the United States -in view of the recent transactions at San Juan-had broken their faith; for there we see an independent government establishing itself by a popular movement, and erecting a municipality composed of American citizens. We all know that the United States has had nothing to do in bringing it about. The utmost that we have done and I do not know we have done that-is to furnish some degree of countenance and recognition towards the new municipal government. But yet the fact is, that there is an independent government at San Juan, under the name of the Mosquito king it is true, but composed of American citizens elected by the people. I mention this only to show that, if one were disposed to take exception, there would be reasonable ground for taking it against the United States."
Really, Mr. Ex-Secretary, we think this is carrying your apology for Great Britain a little too far. You certainly did not, could not intend to furnish your friends across the water with a handle for turning the tables on your own country, and placing her in the defensive in this controversy. You certainly did not intend to give the adversary a pretext founded on the high authority of an Ex-Secretary of State, to revive the old clamor of "pirates, freebooters and fillibusters," and a decent offset against the great point of honor inherited from the Buccaneers. And yet such, we predict, will be the result. It will not be long before the United States are again called before the grand areopagus of Europe, by its organ the London Times, to hold up their hands as criminals, violators of the law of nations, and unworthy of an association with these law-abiding potentates. Instead of John Bull goring our ox, it will be our ox that has gored John Bull, and in place of establishing our rights, we shall be called upon to extenuate our wrongs. Really, Mr. Ex-Secretary, we cannot forgive you for thus turning king's evidence against your own country, most especially as your charge or insinuation is entirely without foundation. What says the American consul, Mr. Boone, from whom you derived your information?
"In March last, Mr. Green, the British consul, and agent of the Mosquito king, president of the then council of Grey
town, upon the request being made by some of the principal inhabitants, issued a proclamation or order for a convention of the people of the town to meet and frame a new constitution. The convention was held, and the present constitution was adopted, under which all the before-mentioned officers have been elected."
In order to comprehend all this, it is proper the reader should know that this "Mr. Green, the British consul and agent," is the successor of the famous Mr. Chatfield; that he it was who hatched, or rather resuscitated, the Mosquito protectorate; and that he is now a prime agent in all the proceedings in relation to the affairs of that renowned potentate, who is doubtless destined to an immortality coeval and co-existent with his illustrious predecessors, King Stork and King Log. On the arrival of this mysterious Mr. Green, and under his proclamation, this great revolution, like that of Paris under the auspices of Louis Philippe, was effected without the loss of a man, and in the twinkling of an eye the Mosquito kingdom was changed into a republic by the magic wand of the mysterious Mr. Green. Who does not see, at a single glance, that this is merely a manoeuvre of Mr. Green, the British agent and consul plenipotentiary of his Mosquito majesty, to change the obnoxious Mosquito kingdom into a sister republic, under the protection of England, like the republic of the Ionian Isles, and that of the Seven Islands, that have lately miraculously raised their heads above the ocean at the call of the equally mysterious Mr. Gore? The Monroe doctrine will not apply to republics, and least of all will the United States repudiate a republic of American citizens, though they may be the mere cat's paws of Mr. Green, who, we predict, will one day emulate the renown of the mighty sovereign he represents. But enough of this. It is perfectly evident that this astonishing revolution-this breach of faith on the part of the government of the United States is nothing more than a miserable device of a miserable pettifogging intriguer, acting under instructions from the British government; and that neither the citizens nor government of the United States are in any way responsible for the result. Surely the Ex-Secretary, in his zeal to defend or apologize for his most able predecessors, and his beau-ideal, Great Britain, has for a moment lost sight of what seems to
The Ex-Secretary thinks it was very "bad taste" in the English to change the name of San Juan de Nicaragua to Greytown, though the taking possession without right was of minor consequence- The name at least should be restored.
us as plain as day. It is clear that the great magician, Mr. Green, is at the bottom of this transmigration of a Mosquito kingdom into a Mosquito republic, and that the Government of the United States have not committed any breach of the famous Clayton and Bulwer treaty. It is Mr. Green and King Quaggo that must be held responsible for this violation of the "handwriting on the wall," which can only be deciphered by a "second Daniel," wiser and more inspired than "the foremost statesman of the age," or even the most brilliant luminary of the Senate for the last twenty-four years.
It is not our purpose to criticize the tone and style of this speech, both of which are highly diplomatic. The language is pure, plain, and perspicuous. There is neither assumption nor presumption in any part; and were we inclined to find fault with anything, it would be that it is too candid by half. We confess we like to see a man bristle up a little on great occasions, and not treat a momentous national question as if it was one in addition or subtraction. There is such a thing as being too candid as well as too cool-too conciliating sometimes; and saving the side-blow given to his country by insinuating a breach of national faith, the speech of the Ex-Secretary strongly reminds us of a friend of ours, who confessed he did not like a person of his acquaintance, " because he was such an intolerable inoffensive fellow."
The Governor of the Island of Cacona, by the Hon. FRANCIS THISTLETON. H. RAMSAY: Montreal.
A friend has kindly forwarded us this very clever satire upon the British colonial system, and upon a certain class of colonial politicians and critics. The Hon. Francis Thistleton, barrister at law, is, of course, a nom de plume, and the Island of Cacona, of which, to his own infinite astonishment, he was appointed governor, is located perhaps somewhere near the Atlantis,- -certainly it is not to be found on the map, nor is the name recollected by the most experienced official at the British Colonial Office. We are not suffi ciently acquainted with the policy and system at which this lively satire is aimed, or with the men and things which it designs to, and evidently does, hit, to relish its humorous narrative, and sometimes grotesque descriptions, in such a manner as they deserve. A large share of the pleasure to be derived from the
perusal of a lively political satire of this character, must be the result of the reader's familiarity with the men, incidents, and character it designs to satirize. The inimitable pencillings of Hogarth, themselves, would fail to be justly appreciated by a people whose customs and manners were different from the English.
We are, however, so closely connected with our cousins on the other side of the St. Lawrence, and our material, if not social and political interests, are so nearly allied, that we may be presumed to have a sufficient knowledge of the general policy and customs under the colonial government, to understand the drift of the Hon. Mr. Thistleton's narrative, and to appreciate, partially at least, the pungency of his satire. We agree generally with the remark, that the author seems to have studiously avoided anything like direct personality, being content, under the cloak of a sufficiently broad burlesque, to leave the public to form their own likenesses. The narrative cannot be charged with malignity, perhaps, and is designed to hit classes rather than individuals.
Yet, at the same time, we cannot refrain from drawing a parallel between the adventures of the Hon. Francis Thistleton and the narrative of Sir Francis B. Head, to whom the appointment to the governorship of Upper Canada came quite as unexpectedly, and was received with equal astonishment, as in the case of the Governor of Cacona.
We have not space, at present, to select any portions of this cleverly-told "political allegory." It abounds with humorous passages and some capital hits. That of the Governor landing in Cacona, upon a mud-bank, in a rainstorm, and riding into his dominions upon the back of the "cleverest man of our party,” Pat Bullyman, the future cabinet minister, is one of the best. The caricature, though broad, is ludicrous, from its whimsical resemblance to what falls under our own observation, in more civilized countries than Cacona. Pat Bullyman is a real trump-a politician of the first water. On the very first night of his Excellency's appearance at Cacona, Mr. Bullyman officiates as master of ceremonies, and evinces a most decided genius for politics. "If there aint any other room," says Pat, I'll arrange it. I'll sleep with the Governor. I will, by thunder! It will have an effect!" Now, in our humble opinion, the race of Bullymans is not yet extinct, and Patrick, though a caricature, may easily find his prototype out of Cacona. Mr. Botts, we are told, slept with Mr. Tyler. Other governors have ridden into executive chairs on the backs of future cabinet ministers, though we doubt whether all have had the prudence to act as did the Hon. Francis Thistleton, who politely declined Mr. Bullyman's overture, and assigned that gentleman a mattrass in the passage adjoining his chamber.
Mr. Thistleton's narrative is so lively and piquant, so entertaining and suggestive, that we should be glad to see it reprinted this side the border. The international copyright is not yet in operation. What say the Messrs. Harper?
McLeod's Life of Walter Scott. C. SCRIBNER: New York.
Rarely have we perused anything in the shape of a biography that has afforded us so much delight as this little volume. Modest and unpretending, it comes from the hands of the author, and is presented to the public, un