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ous thrusting in of so many diplomatic forces together, for the accomplishment of so trifling an end as the pacification of Hayti, Costa Rica, or Mosqueto?" we venture once more to pronounce the conclusion, that the interference of Great Britain in the affairs of these three little anarchial figments of States, is a piece merely of imperial impertinence offensive to the dignity of this republic, but for which our own rulers are especially and almost wholly to blame. If we are to adopt a policy of intervention and of menace, in regard to Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and the fictitious and transitory governments of Solouque and the Mosqueto Indians; we say if it is absolutely necessary for usand it appears to be so then let France and England stand aside, and let the people of America manage their own affairs in their own way. Why draw on two jealous rivals to mix themselves in negociations vital to the integrity of our system?

But to be explicit. It is very well known to that part of the community who read the history of lesser States, that the more intelligent inhabitants of San Domingo, the republicans whose offices are filled by white men of European descent, have been endeavoring, for many years, to colonize their end of the island, which is two-thirds of the whole, with a population of white laborers. There is a gentleman now living in the city of New York, a lawyer, of good standing in his profession, and with whom the authors of this article are personally acquainted, who was occupied for a long period of time with the public affairs of Dominica, in the endeavor to colonize, at the express desire of its inhabitants, the waste lands of Dominica with a free and intelligent white population.

Under a government truly representing the interests of the great republican continent, white subjects from the United States would long ago have been established on the fertile and valuable island of San Domingo, and cordially received and hospitably entertained and established by the republicans of Dominica. Had this been accomplished, there would have been no necessity for a triple-headed diplomatic mission, to be ridiculously exploded in the end; one member, and that the least conscientious, grasping under fair pretences at the functions of the two others. The war ships of Louis Napoleon would not now be, as it is said they are, anchored in the harbor of Samana, with the additional rumor,-to put fire into the veins of every American,-that the imperial trickster intends thereto maintain his position, if necessary, with the whole naval force of a nation which has chosen to name itself an Empire; by that name, and by all other acts, at home and abroad, express

ing its resolution to become, in earnest, what in sport and pageant it has named itself.


And now certain wiseacres will start up and say, let Frenchmen and Englishmen make conquests, and what you will; we, the good honest people of America, will mind our own business, and let our neighbors alone; all which is very stout, and honest and virtuous to say, were it only true and practicable; were it only the fact that we had not already committed ourselves to a different system. Two systems of territorial extension already prevail among us, and absorb the whole attention of our rulers; the one, a miserable diplomatic procedure of illegitimate European origin, failing always on the brink of achievement. This is the shadow; let us now look at the substance. has Democracy done for the Union? It has created republic after republic. It has swelled the number of the sovereignties from fifteen to thirty-two, and it will not stop until the continent and the islands are our own. Democracy has achieved these brilliant triumphs by taking such steps forward as men approve and heaven sanctions; steps, in which strength and wisdom have equally impelled and guided. Democracy has colonized the continent with republicans, and in that way it has built up State after State, and it will go on erecting sovereignty beyond sovereignty. It has not done this by inviting the joint intervention of European powers but it has jealously and even fiercely excluded those powers from all participation in a progress which they admire and abhor.

Fortunately, or rather providentially, with us, the days of feeble and entangling diplomacy are passing away. Every degree and every order of talent lies open to the choice of the excellent Head elect of the in-coming administration. It will be his high and salutary function, not only to purify the party itself, by excluding from power and influence all those whose radical agitations have disorganized and weakened the party, but to intrust the management of our foreign relations to tried men, able and willing to repel the ambitious intermeddling of foreign powers in the affairs of the Union and the Continent.



IT has been predicted by acute politicians during the past two or three years, that the next Democratic Administration would find itself entirely occupied with the foreign relations of the United Sates. The prediction seems about to be verified. If the resolutions of Mr. Cass, which are to be discussed in the Senate a few days hence, (to-day is the 8th of January) are adopted by a sufficient majority, we reach the turning point so long predicted, when the Central Government of the United States is to assume its natural and legitimate functions as Democratic head and director of republican affairs upon this continent. The fact that the most prudent and experienced members of the democratic party have taken the lead in this important movement, while at the same time they have denounced the doctrines of the Red Republicans and the disciples of Kossuth, and set down a crushing foot upon Filibusterism, is a sign of political progress, and a proof of vigor and sagacity in the leaders of Democracy, which ought to bring home delight and satisfaction to all who are sincerely interested in the prosperity of our glorious Union. Our glorious Union! words hereafter to have a much livelier significance than hitherto. Occupied for a long period of years in the discussion of our internal policy, we have neglected to exercise the primary functions of our national Government. Almost simultaneous with the resolutions of Mr. Cass, was the call for information. touching the Clayton and Bulwer treaty. Having but a small space left us, we cannot in the present number of this Journal discuss, at full length, the merits or demerits of that remarkable document. It is a subject which we have reserved for our succeeding number; but as time presses, and the patriotic spirit of the nation has already begun to manifest itself in the direction of Nicaragua, we shall lose no time in laying before our readers a few considerations and suggestions, which may serve as guides to them, and direct their attention upon the most important points to be considered in the interim.

The Clayton and Bulwer treaty was a kind of national appendix to the charter of the inter-oceanic canal. This canal, it was supposed by our legislators and citizens, would not be ex

clusively an American work. Without much reflection upon the subject, statesmen and men of business have come to the conclusion that a ship canal connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific, through the river San Juan and the lake of Nicaragua, would be a work of equal interest to all maritimé powers. It was not generally known at that time, that the interests of Great Britain and of France were strongly opposed to the establishment of this new route of commerce. English capital, it was imagined, would be invested in a work conducive to the advancement of English interest; and a supposition still more absurd, namely, that the naval forces of Great Britain, and all her vast political influence in Central America, would be employed for the protection and advancement of the work, was seriously entertained by Whig statesmen in the cabinets of General Taylor and of Mr. Fillmore.

The late refusal of the London millionaires to advance their capital or their influence toward the completion of a canal to be hereafter exclusively American, and beneficial to American commerce in direct rivalry with that of England and of France, ought not to have excited the surprise of statesmen and politicians of this country. We shall by-and-bye take occasion to show, by documentary and geographical proofs, that the British Government have been intent, from the very beginning, upon the delay, and if possible the prohibition of the work.

The most remarkable, however, of all the movements, political or diplomatic, connected with the great inter-oceanic project, was the famous or rather the infamous Clayton and Bulwer treaty. By this treaty, of which Mr. Clayton, May 7th 1850, writes that its "object is to secure the protection of the British Government to the Nicaraguan canal," the first provision is, that neither nation should occupy or fortify points upon the coast of Nicaragua, or in an other way aggress "to the detriment of the proposed canal." We have not before us at this moment a copy of the treaty itself; and we are forced to conclude that many members of the Senate were in the same predicament during the debates of Wednesday the 6th of January; for not one of them spoke exactly to the point, or suggested the most important feature of the treaty, which is, that all its provisions turned upon the construction of the canal. Words equivalent to those italicized above, are introduced into the treaty at its close, invalidating the entire instrument as far as it may have been intended to carry out the principle of the Monroe doctrine. Let the reader who busies himself with the examination of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, bear constantly

in mind the fact, that the treaty itself is not a general assertion of a principle; that it is merely a joint agreement on the part of England and the United States, not to occupy or fortify any portion of Nicaragua in such a manner as to influence or to prevent the construction of the canal.

Such being the spirit of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, it is a matter of very little consequence whether it did or did not include British Honduras or the State of Honduras, or the Island of Ruatan, or any other part of the territory unjustly seized of late years by Great Britain, and at present held possession of by her in defiance of the Monroe doctrine, and the will, interest, and honor of the American people.

The remarkable error which has prevailed in the public mind since the publication of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, that because that treaty contained the words "shall not occupy, fortify, &c.," has served to delay until the present moment the reassertion, by the united voice of the American people, the great doctrine of Democracy, that foreign nations shall not be, permitted to occupy or fortify points upon the American continent. It serves to show how inaccurately treaties are read, and with what a profound knowledge of human nature they are constructed. The imprecations of a publisher and a printer forbid us at this moment from laying before our readers the treaty itself, with all its involutions; nor have we room more than to state the leading points of our position in regard to it.

Insisting a third time in this brief space that the Clayton and Bulwer treaty not only fails to establish, but actually impairs the force of the Monroe doctrine, and therefore of the united will and opinion of the American people, insisting that it is a species of alliance "entangling" us with Great Britain in the affair of the canal, and making us, in fact, a party to our own mischief and disgrace; we propose to lay before our readers a general system of attack upon the spirit and design of all treaties of this class, making this one an example for the benefit of the rest.

It was the policy of Washington to withdraw this nation from all entangling alliances with the European powers. Already in two remarkable instances, one of which we have developed at large, namely-the pacification of San Domingo and the agreement with regard to the Nicaraguan canal, this grand and necessary injunction has been seriously and dangerously violated by a Whig administration.

"We conceive it to be the eminent duty of a Government," says a writer upon this topic, "to procure advantages first

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