SENATE.]

Reduction of Duties.

[DEC. 24, 1832.

extreme verge of the republic, we have friends and allies, the resolution now offered as an amendment, some days firm friends and allies, who are more terrible to the rapa- ago, when brought forward under the auspices of the Ficious monopolist than an army with banners. Our peo-nance Committee. But how is it, said Mr. M., that the ple are too just, too generous, and too magnanimous, to opposition benches all rally to the support of the resolusuffer oppression to be long practised upon any portion of tion? How is it that they evince so much anxiety to learn their brethren, when their attention shall be awakened to the details of the Secretary's plan? Wherefore do they its existence. call so loudly and earnestly for the light that the SecretaSir, said Mr. M., I am opposed, upon principle, to a ry may shed upon the subject? Do they mean to profit by call upon the Executive, or any head of a department, for it? Have they any respect for the Secretary's opinions? a bill embracing such momentous interests. Its tendency Do they mean to be guided by the lamp he may carry into would be to an amalgamation of the different departments the mazes of political science? Have they not denounced, of the Government, which should always be kept sepa-in all the moods and tenses, his annual report? Have they rate and as distinct as practicable. Congress is emphati- the slightest inclination to lend a willing ear to his councally the legislative branch of the Government. Upon us sels, and a cordial support to his plan? Wherefore, then, the constitution devolves the responsibility, and upon us do they manifest so much anxiety? Do they suppose we should fall the labor. If the Secretary of the Treasury are children? Do we not know that b-l-a spells bla? All can aid our committees, his services, I am sure, will be at understand the object. The Secretary's plan is to be emtheir command when requested: they have been hereto- bodied; it is then to be averred that it is in total disregard fore, they will be again, if desired. That officer, said of the prosperity of various branches of industry; an apMr. M., is prepared, with a candor and decision as honor- peal is to be made from his remorseless sacrifice of their able to himself as he trusted they would be useful to the interests to the Legislature. The tocsin is to be sounded; country, to come up to the great occasion, and to meet old prejudices awakened; old passions to be aroused; a any responsibility. But not upon him was he willing to gathering of all the clans, whether from North, South, call in the form proposed for a bill. That course, though East, or West--of personal enemies, of political enemies, harmless now, may be drawn into precedent in bad times, and all sorts of enemies, with all sorts of passions, to assail and tend to throw upon a popular idol responsibility that the man, and demolish his system. Sir, it would be the ought always to rest upon the representatives of the States first target in the world; it would be assailed by malignity and the people. Sir, said Mr. M., I have always admired with all sorts of missiles. I saw this game last year. Parthe noble sentiment thrown out in his place here, by that don me, gentlemen, I shall not play at it. "beau idéal," of an able and dignified Senator who lately Yet, said Mr. M., it is very strange that our bitterest represented with so much honor to himself and usefulness enemies should be so anxious to take counsel from this to his country, the ancient and unterrified" common-administration. The events of the last few months have wealth of Virginia, [Mr. TAZEWELL,] to wit, that the in-produced strange changes in this world of ours. Is not a troducing into this chamber the opinions of the Executive Presidential election, sir, especially if the majority be to influence our deliberations, or as a "makeweight" large, a sort of panacea for chronic political distempers? upon any question under consideration, ought to be re- When the United States' Bank was under consideration garded as a breach of order. The sentiment was uttered last session, the opposite benches averred that it was the in bad times, but it is just at all times. Much stronger right arm, and only efficient arm of the Treasury Departwould an objection lie to conferring upon the Executive ment. And, although in the whole of our former history, the initiatory process of our peculiar legislative duties. when that question came up, it was under the auspices Mr. M. said he objected to the resolution because it con- or with the advice of the Treasury Department, yet on tained a call, not for facts, but for opinions. Sir, said he, that occasion they repudiated all such advice. When my I object to a call for the opinion of this or any other admi- honorable friend (Mr. BENTON) moved the reference of nistration; and in reference to this, judging from a late the bank bill to the Secretary of the Treasury for his reproclamation which had produced so much sensation, and port in regard to its adaptation to the purposes of that which had found almost universal acceptation among the Department, what was the vote of the opposite benches > bitterest revilers of the President, he was constrained to They must well remember, and if they feel any pleasure say he liked their practice much better than their specu- in the reminiscence when placed in juxtaposition with lations; their works better than their faith. But let that pass. their present course, they ought to enjoy it. I trust I The Senator from Mississippi, said Mr. M., complains shall be among the last who would seek to deprive them that those who set themselves up to be the exclusive of an enjoyment so exceedingly peculiar. They will par. friends of the administration, and who, in consideration don me, I trust, for remembering with pleasure that I then thereof, enjoy exclusive privileges in reference to per- declined, as I now repudiate, any foreign aid in our prosonal intercourse, oppose his resolution. For myself, said per duties. Sir, said Mr. M., it is time to have done with Mr. M., I set up for no exclusive loyalty, nor am I con- this game upon the great political chessboard. One would scious of enjoying, in that respect, any exclusive privi- think gentlemen would not pursue so bad a run of luck. leges. It is as much as I can do at this perilous crisis-a trust they will not. But, whatever may come of these crisis of universal alarm, and one signally marked with the embarrassing moves, I have one firm reliance—the people most flagrant dereliction of principle, to walk forward will set these thing to rights. It is upon their moderation, and steadily upon my own principles-principles which I their justice and their patriotism, that all my hopes repose. believe to be conservative of liberty, of the Union, and of Mr. TYLER said, that the Senator from North Carolina harmony and brotherly love throughout our extended and [Mr. MANGUM] had represented certain members of the once happy borders. At this perilous crisis I know no House as being influenced, in their advocacy of the resoman, and will support no man, further than I may believe lution now under consideration, by a desire to hold up a he may be instrumental in saving the republic, and pre- target to be shot at from Maine to Georgia, and that the serving the liberties of the people. I go for my country, bill which was called for was designed as that target. my whole country, and, first of all, for the liberties of the Surely, said Mr. T., the Senator could not have designed people. In pursuing this course faithfully, I feel the gra- to embrace me in that remark. [Mr. MANGUM said certifying assurance that I represent truly, as it is my object tainly not, he had no such intention.] Mr. T. said that he to do, a State as devoted to union and the great princi- did not believe that the gentleman, with whom he had ples of constitutional liberty as any other under the sun. always maintained the most friendly relation, had so deMr. M. said he opposed the Senator's resolutions upon signed; but the generality of the expressions which had principle and policy, as he had, in like manner, opposed been used, and which would not be as well understood

DEC. 24, 1832.]

Reduction of Duties.

[SENATE.

in no spirit of dictation that the information asked for would be given. The projet of the Secretary would challenge just so much admiration as its merits may deserve. In the settlement and adjustment of this great question, he cared not what set of men was employed, or from what department the materials were obtained. His object in urging this matter was for what he considered beneficial purposes. He cared not from what department of the Government aid was invoked. If it could be beneficially exerted at this moment, it ought to be done, for there never was a period when the beneficial action of the Government was more imperatively required.

With these considerations, he had ventured to submit this proposition of the Committee on Finance in lieu of the resolution of the gentleman from Mississippi. He understood that the resolution had come into this body with the almost unanimous concurrence of the Committee, who were well aware that the Secretary had all the materials before him for the formation of a projet of a bill.

elsewhere as here, had required the express disclaimer of the Treasury was the mere agent of this body. It was which the Senator had made. He could not permit an imputation to exist against him even by remote inference. He was actuated but by a single motive-a desire to tranquillize the country by a movement on the tariff. He could not concur with the Senator in the objections he had thought proper to urge against the resolution. He saw an obvious propriety in adopting it, and so thought the Committee of Finance who reported it; and why not avail ourselves of the aid of the Executive Department in adjusting existing difficulties? Why not bring the whole power of the President to bear upon this vitally important subject, as well here as with the people. The Senator waived all the advantages of our position; what were they? Heretofore the South had been left alone to its own exertions to get rid of the tariff: we had here but our fifteen or eighteen votes. The administration was represented, as best suited the purposes of the respective disputants on this side and on the other. Gentlemen were evermore guessing at what was meant by a judicious tariff. The explanation was now given; and a judicious tariff was Mr. BIBB said that although he had voted in favor of now understood to mean nothing more or less than a tariff the consideration of the resolution, he should vote both for revenue. The President and Secretary recommend against the amendment and the resolution. It was his ina reduction on the protected articles to the extent of tention to give his vote against both the resolutions. The $6,000,000. Is not too much asked of us when we are present was truly deemed an awful emergency. The porequired to waive the advantage of this new condition of litical atmosphere was black with portentous clouds, affairs, by listening to the suggestions of what he believed which threatened to break in civil war. He wanted to to be a false delicacy? He claimed all the benefits and meet the emergency with legislation, as speedily and as advantages of this situation of things; and he had a right efficiently as possible, and not, by pouring oil, to add vito require all the aid that the Executive could afford to gor to the flame which already raged. If the bill or projet carry out its own suggestion. The country expected which was called for from the Secretary would have the every man to do his duty; and he was satisfied that the Se-effect of uniting the votes of that body, or even would cretary of the Treasury would promptly answer a call of bring about the reduction which was proposed, without the Senate. Shall we, then, be deterred by a mere dispute losing a vote, he would then vote for it, were it not for yet about forms, now that we stood upon a dangerous preci- another reason. He was most anxious to avoid a contest pice; he hoped not. at home, which would array brother against brother, but Mr. BROWN stated that he would be the last to do he would not, in times of such difficulty and danger, conany thing which would violate the constitution, or would sent to establish a precedent which might be productive imply a bending to the departments. But he had been of future evil. Civil war was undoubtedly one of the wholly unable to see what danger there was of increasing greatest of evils, and was to be deprecated by every lover the power of the departments. He was unable to un-of his country; but there was a still greater evil to be derstand the drift of the conflicting arguments he had feared in the loss of civil liberty by the concentration of heard on this subject, when it was contended by one that all power in the Executive. What was it which the Sethe power of the departments had been weakened, and nate were asked to do? They are asked to send to the by another, that it had been made stronger, and that they Executive Departments for a bill. This was adopting were giving them too much power. He asked if this was the British principle in effect. It was the practice in a new case. Was ite the first time that the Secretary had England to send the minister to Parliament with projets; been called on to communicate a bill? Precedents to sus- but, instead of doing this, it is now proposed to send to tain the practice might be found in the darkest days, and the minister for projet. This practice he deprecated, to show that this course had been sanctioned by the most and against it he would enter his solemn protest. Not illustrious names of the republican party of our country. that he disagreed with the views. He wanted the inforHe admitted that it ought not to be an act of every day mation asked for, or something like it. But he was wilpractice, but when it had been universally admitted that ling to take things as they were. If he could command the country was on the edge of a precipice; when it was the affections of men, and was gifted with sufficient powadmitted that the exigencies of the moment were such as ers of persuasion, there should then be no differences of to render prompt action necessary, it appeared to him opinion here or in the other House. But let the Senate that these little matters of etiquette ought not to have any ask for this projet, and let it be stamped with the hand of influence on the Senate. the Secretary or the President, and they will at once enlist all the old feelings and prejudices, at a moment when an awful catastrophe seemed to be about to break upon the country.

It had been very properly remarked, that the dreadful condition of the country required instant action. The people had re-elected the Chief Magistrate to the station he now holds by a commanding and overwhelming voice, He had now explained his views. Whether he accordand this circumstance furnished a reason why this admin-ed with others or not, he knew not; but he felt that he istration should be called on to communicate their views had performed his duty. In doing this, he had inat this great crisis. He believed that their requisitions dulged none but the best feelings towards the Secretary. would not be shrunk from, but that the President and his He believed that this officer had faithfully discharged his Cabinet were prepared to meet the great crisis. He be-duty; and was as willing as any Secretary ever had been lieved that they would find no qualms, no disposition to to give his views up to discussion. For the possession of shrink from their duty. If they exhibited any such feeling, he would say they were quite unfit for their high and responsible stations. He could not think that the adoption of this course would compromit the dignity of the Senate, or interfere with their right. The Secretary

manly candor and integrity, he was willing to give him all credit. But it was not necessary to call for his opinion on this subject, because the facts were already before the Senate, and because a bill reported by the Finance Committee, which was a portion of their own body, and was

SENATE.],

Reduction of Postage.

[DEC. 31, 1832.

equally bound to their constituents as to the Senate, would If not, they would report against the measure, and there be better calculated to unite the opinions of the Senate would be an end of the matter, unless the Senate should than any thing which could be obtained from the Treasu- decide on a reversal of the report. ry Department. He should, therefore, vote against both propositions.

Mr. BUCKNER then stated that as the debate seemed to be far from a close, and as he wished to make a motion relative to the adjournment of the Senate, he would move to lay the resolution and amendment on the table. Having withdrawn the motion,

Mr. SPRAGUE said that he had presented the resolution in this form, for the purpose of obtaining the opinion of the Senate whether there should be a reduciton of the rates of postage or not. He did not offer the resolution in the usual form of instructing the committee to make an inquiry, because, to speak frankly, the subject had been before the committee during the whole of the Mr. POINDEXTER expressed his hope that the Se- last session, and he was not aware that any report had been nate would not consent to lay the subject on the table; made. If he was in error on this point, he hoped he but that they would take the vote at once, without further should be corrected. He had, during the last session, debate, as it was important that, if sent at all, the requisi-presented several petitions himself, praying for a reduction should be addressed to the Secretary immediately. tion, and having felt himself bound to pay some attenMr. BUCKNER replied that he was not, himself, pre- tion to these memorials, he had from time to time made pared to vote upon the subject. He required more time inquiries of the committee, as to the progress of their for reflection before he should feel his mind at freedom. investigation into the subject, and had been informed He then moved to lay the resolution and amendment on that they were attending to it; but he had never been the table. apprized of any report which had been made. What, he would ask, were the opinions of the committee on the subject? There had been a report on the reduction of newspaper postage, but it was composed exclusively of that branch. There had certainly been five petitions, at had not been acted on. The report on the newspaper postage was discussed at the last session; and he presumed that members might probably be prepared to come at once to a decision on the reduction of the letter postage, and to make it peremptory on the committee to report a bill, the details of which, and the amount and the mode of reduction, might then be the subject of a future discussion.

The motion was agreed to.-Yeas 16, nays 11.
The Senate then adjourned to Thursday.

THURSDAY, DEC. 27.

The sitting this day was spent in disposing of petitions, the least, for a reduction of the postage on letters, which resolutions, and sundry private bills.

FRIDAY, DEC. 28.

The Senate was occupied to-day altogether on private bills and other matters, eliciting no debate; and then adjourned to Monday.

MONDAY, DEC. 31.

REDUCTION OF POSTAGE.

The following resolution, offered by Mr. SPRAGUE on Friday, was taken up for consideration:

As to breaking in upon the treasury for the support of the Post Office Department, it was certainly a question of some moment, but he was not aware that the divorce between the treasury and the department had Resolved, That the Committee on the Post Office and ever been complete. There never had been a period Post Roads be instructed to prepare and introduce a bill when the treasury had not contributed to the support reducing the rates of postage. of the department. For several years an annual amount Mr. GRUNDY rose and stated that on the face of the of about 70,000 dollars had been appropriated out of the resolution, it appeared to be not a mere resolution of in- treasury for the support of the officers of the post quiry, but one peremptorily directing the committee to office. It had been formerly said that in an account curbring in a bill to reduce the rates of postage. If the Se- rent, the Government would be found to be indebted nator from Maine would consent to modify the resolution, to the department. The Government, it was suggested, so as to give it the usual form of an inquiry into the ex- was indebted to the amount of half a million annually pediency of the measure, he would consent to its adop- for the postage of the departments, and the privilege of tion; and should a reduction of the postage be found franking all documents and communications. If so, there practicable, and could be consistently effected without could be no great evil, if the Government paid for the breaking in upon the Treasury Department, he would amount of the services rendered by the department: and co-operate with the Senator from Maine in effecting his if the Government were to be called on for no further object. But he could not consent to such reduction, aid, it could be considered as only equal justice if they unless the principle should first be settled by the Senate. were to pay for these services. How did it stand now? He thought it would be injudicious and indiscreet to re- The channels of information for the people were taxed duce the rates of postage, without a proper inquiry into for the benefit of the Government. It appeared to him the expediency of the measure. No reduction of any that the diffusion of knowledge, of information, through importance could be made consistently with the financial the country, which ought to be, and he presumed was, situation of the department. He would vote for a sim- the primary object of the Post Office Department, made ple inquiry, but not for a peremptory instruction, unless it important that the cost of this transmission should be the Senate should first sanction the principle. He was reduced to as low a rate as possible. This was one of the against breaking down the department; and provoking, avowed means of diffusing information among the peoperhaps, future charges of mal-administration when the ple, against which there existed no constitutional objecSenate had committed the fault of abridging the means tion. Were other means of communicating knowledge of the department. If the Senate should wish to make suggested, constitutional objections were at once raised. the Post Office a charge on the treasury, so let it be; But here, through the Post Office Department, a mode but let it be done openly, and let an annual appropriation presented itself which was not liable to such exception. of half a million be made for that object. He moved to By its agency, knowledge can be transmitted to the extreamend the resolution, by striking out all after the word mities of the Union; and it was important that the diffu"instructed," and inserting the words "to inquire into sion of that intelligence which formed the basis upon the expediency of reducing the rates of postage." Then, which all our institutions rested, which was the life-blood if the committee saw that it could be done, they would of the community, essential alike to the well-being of the make such reduction as would correspond with the ability people and of the Government, should be at as low a of the department, and would report a bill to that effect. rate as possible.

DEC. 31, 1832.]

Reduction of Postage.

[SENATE.

The Senate had been called on to reduce other taxes, showed why, in his opinion, there should be no reducwhich were said to be oppressive upon the people, and tion, and had given the grounds on which he had formed why not this? If the Government were required to pay that opinion. The Senate could judge, therefore, of what their quota, it might enable the department to reduce use it would be to refer it to the committee merely to inthe general rates of postage one-half; for, taking the quire into the expediency of the measure. A report average annual amount of postage at two millions, and might, after some weeks, perhaps, be expected against estimating the Government postage at half a million, the the propriety of any reduction. This was a just inference general reduction would not be more than 500,000 dollars from the course of the committee last year. The gentleto bring the aggregate down to one-half. He thought man from Tennessee had urged the same argument now that the Post Office ought to be called on to make a re- which he advanced last session; that the revenue of the duction equal to the Government postage. Post Office would not sustain the department without aid from the treasury.

He would not urge any observations on the subject of the unproductive post offices, but would conclude with expressing his hope that the Senate would make the instruction peremptory.

Mr. GRUNDY begged leave to say a word in reply to what had been said concerning the petitions on this subject last year. He was one of the committee to which Mr. GRUNDY said that the difference between the those petitions were referred. It had been said that the Senator from Maine and himself was, that the former de- committee did not see fit to report upon the subject. They sired a peremptory direction to the commitiee, while he, did not make any specific report in relation to these me(Mr. G.) wished to have a previous inquiry instituted to morials. They considered that the report made concernascertain the expediency of the measure. It appeared to ing the postage on newspapers covered the whole ground. be yielded, or at least not controverted, that if there were Mr. CLAYTON resumed, and asked why the same subno other funds than those of the Post Office, it would be ject should be again sent to the same committee. To give improper to reduce the rates of postage, and that it should it that direction would be in effect to decide that the rates not be done. But it was said that the Post Office accom- of postage ought not to be reduced. The gentleman modated the Government to the amount of half a million. from Tennessee had said that the rates should not be reThat he believed, and he had so stated in the report duced, because, in that case, the department would bewhich he had presented to the Senate. But there was a come a charge upon the treasury. Probably this might great principle to be settled. Would the Senate consent be the case, but this was not a good argument against the to make this department a charge on the treasury! If measure. It was true, as the gentleman from Tennessee the rates of postage were to be reduced half a million for had stated, that the expenditures of the last year exceeded the first year, must not the tariff dutics be reserved to an the income; and it was also true, as the Senator from equal amount? But would it then remain at this point? Maine had said, that the department had always been a The Post Office Department he regarded as the most un- charge on the treasury. Every year there had been an manageable of any in the Government. If they were to appropriation made from the treasury for the payment of put the whole of the treasury at the disposal of this de- the officers of the department. Last year the amount was partment, such were the constant and pressing applica- $70,000, and the year before $80,000. It had been a tions for new expenditures, that it would be found impos- charge on the treasury, and he had no doubt it would sible for either the department or Congress to resist the continue to be a charge, although he was not prepared to frequent appeals for increased facilities. Take away the decide on the matter. But he did not see that because check which was to be found in limited resources, and the department was likely to be, or was, a charge on the there could be no control exercised over the officers of treasury, the rates of postage ought not to be reduced. the department. He intended nothing individually; but He thought, with the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. let any man be placed in power, with inexhaustible means SPRAGUE,] the diffusion of intelligence among the people in his possession, and without any responsibility, and there could be no limit to the lengths he would go. A sense of propriety, it was true, would restrain some men, but this would be found too feeble a restraint to prevent prodigal expenditures.

was an object of such importance as to demand from the Government a reduction of postage; and he was ready, at any moment, to give his vote in favor of it. He presumed every member of the Senate was ready now to give his decision, and he would not delay it. He hoped the opinion of the Senate on the propriety of the reduction would be expressed now, and that it would not be sent for examination to a committee which had already decided against it.

The question was not as to the propriety of a reduction of postage, but as to the permitting of the department to go to the treasury for its subsistence. The expenditures of the department during the last year exceeded the re- Mr. HOLMES said it was not his intention to discuss ceipts about 7,000 dollars. But there had been an increase the subject of the Post Office Department much more. of above 100,000 dollars in the profits, and but for this It had had its full share of his attention. The great diffithe department would not have got along. Congress had culty at this moment seemed to be to determine how the also required that now, on the 1st of January, there public money was to be disposed of. Now if one departshould be put in operation 20,000 additional miles of route. ment had no money to spare, and another had too much, These new routes would impose on the department an why could they not be good neighbors and help one additional annual cost of above 100,000 dollars. Ought another? This was a tax upon consumption. It was no any further reduction then to be made without some in- part of the protective system. It did not operate like that quiry? He believed that the department should not be system which, by protection, produced competition, and supported out of the treasury. There could be no ques-by competition reduced the price of the article. This tion on the point whether the department could reduce was a tax upon consumption. He had given notice of the rates of postage one-fourth, in reliance on its own re- his intention to-morrow, to ask leave to bring in a bill sources; and he could not therefore vote for a peremp- amendatory of the acts regulating the Post Office Detory instruction, although he was willing to vote for an partment, but he could say that there was nothing whatinquiry. ever in that bill which was likely to disturb the nerves Mr. CLAYTON disavowed any desire to embarrass the of the gentleman from Tennessee. He had not then department. But he wished to obtain the sense of the known the intention of his colleague to offer this resoSenate on the question of reduction. The gentleman lution. The object of the bill which he was about to infrom Tennessee had assigned a reason why there ought troduce was to extend the franking privilege during the to be an inquiry, which he considered to bear strongly recess. There was in it nothing of nullification, nothing against giving to the resolution the usual form. He had of the protective system, nothing of internal improve

SENATE.]

ment.

These dreadful words were not even to be found The present rates of postage was fixed when the area of in the bill. He was about to retire from the Senate, per- the population was much more limited than at present, haps the gentleman from Tennessee was also about to and the distances were comparatively small. The rate leave this body, and probably the gentleman from Mary- of postage for all distances beyond three hundred miles land. They had had some experience, and it might be was then fixed at twenty-five cents. Since that time the as well that they should have the opportunity of impart-whole of the Western States has been thrown open, and ing the advantage of their experience to those who might the mail has to traverse an immense region of territory desire it, and to those who were to fill their places. which has only of late years become known. It seemed Mr. FOOT expressed his hope that the amendment of but just that the cities in the remotest region of the West the gentleman from Tennessee would not prevail, and should be charged in proportion with those which were that the Senate would now come to a decision on the ex-nearer. There was room then for improvement by makpediency of the reduction of the rates of postage. He ing our views more expanded. He merely threw out referred to a resolution which he had introduced last ses- these opinions, and left it to others to act upon them. sion, calling on the department to furnish a statement of He should be in favor of an instruction to the Postmaster the extra allowances made to contractors, &c. in the dif- General to furnish at the next session of Congress some ferent States, and to which no answer had been given. scheme of the nature to which he had referred. But he The petitions presented to the committee had received would not now make any specific motion on the subject. no answer. The argument on which the gentleman from Coming to Congress, at the present session, with feelTennessee rested his opposition to any reduction was to ings deeply impressed by the present condition of the him, (Mr. F.) a strong argument in its favor. That gen- country; believing that if the State vessel in which he tleman had said, and said truly, that there was a danger had embarked, with all his hopes and interests, should that any man would abuse power. Were we to set no go down, he must go down with her; attending no publimits to the power of the Postmaster General? It was lic meetings; making no patriotic speeches, he had come high time to impose some check on this power, and the here prepared by his vote to testify the sincerity of his best way was to reduce the rate of postage. This was love for the Union. It was his object, it would be his enone of the greatest taxes on the people of this country: deavor to give tranquillity to the country. Now, what and if the Postmaster General was to have all this under was the present proposition? It was to pension the dehis control, without responsibility, there was great danger partment on the custom house. Let this be done, and of abuse. He hoped the resolution would pass without let the whole means of the treasury be within the reach any further delay, and without any attempt to give it the of the department, and a time may come when the wishes go by. of every man, who can obtain the interposition of a memMr. BUCKNER made a few remarks in opposition to ber of Congress to urge his views, will be gratified at the the resolution in its original form, and in favor of the expense of the country. He then proceeded to expatiate amendment. He thought that the duty of committees on the injustice of burthening the hard and honest laborer was to collect and communicate knowledge to Congress for the benefit of cities. and the country, to enable them to form correct judg- He looked on this as number two of a series of meaments in matters of great public concern. This know-sures intended to prevent the reduction of the revenues ledge was not to be extracted by positive commands. The of the country. The bill which was to change our whole gentleman from Tennessee wished so to modify the reso-system in reference to the public lands, he regarded as lution as to make it a call on the committee to give their number one. What was to become of the proposed reopinion, and this he (Mr. BUCKNER,) deemed the proper duction of the tariff duties, when the expenses of the pubcourse. When the whole object of a resolution was to lic lands, and of the Post Office Department, are to be require the committee to prepare and write a bill, the all thrown on the custom house? He was here to aid in best course would be, instead of offering a resolution, to the pacification of the country by his votes, and not by ask leave and introduce a bill at once. He did not see his speeches. Being here for that purpose, he should what good could come from adopting the course of the resist all measures which went to prevent the reduction of gentleman from Maine. Were the committee to be cut the revenue. This he considered as number two of meaoff from the opportunity of making a report against the sures to prevent the reduction of the tariff duties, and he, measure? Why are they to be thus tied down? His for the sake of the country's peace, should oppose it. own opinion was opposed to the propriety of reducing. Mr. SPRAGUE said, that when he offered this resoluthe postage. It would be to take the burden of the tax tion, he did not believe that a subject on which he supfrom the reading part of the community, and to put it posed that all had made up their minds, would have upon the unreading, and would not be circulating know- elicited a debate of this length and latitude. The Senator ledge gratis. It would be compelling the unenlightened from Missouri [Mr. BUCKNER] had argued the question as to bear a tax for the enlightened, and would be a direct if it were a proposition to increase the burthens of the imposition on the unlearned. He wished for the com- people. And he was certain that any one who had heard mittee fairly and fully to examine the facts, and to pre-a portion of the speech of the Senator from Missouri, sent them, with their opinions, to the Senate. and had not understood the exact character of the reso

Mr. BENTON said he would prefer that an instruction lution, would have supposed that the proposition before be addressed to the department to present to the Senate, the Senate was to impose additional burthens on the peoat their next session, a new scheme of postage, embra-ple. Now, what was the proposition?. It was to take cing a reduction which might be carried into operation off, to diminish the burthens of the people; to rid them without injury to the department. In the course of his of one of the most onerous taxes to which they could be inquiries and investigation, it had frequently occurred subjected; and a tax, too, upon knowledge, a tax on into him that such reduction might be made. In double, formation, upon the diffusion of which the security and treble, and quadruple letters, he thought there was much permanency of our republic rests. One gentleman had cause to hope for some beneficial arrangement. If a let- said that it was a tax on the ignorant part of the country. ter contained the smallest slip of paper, or was enclosed He (Mr. S.) wished to do, away with the ignorant part, in a cover, or contained a bank note, which could add and if he could not altogether, he would as far as he nothing perceptible to its weight, it is charged with a double, treble, or quadruple postage, which is out of all proportion to the additional expense of transportation. There might also be an improvement in another point.

could. He would banish ignorance, by diffusing light among the community at a cheaper rate, and thus making the ignorant wise. But it seemed that the blessings of light might not be extended, that information was not