32D CONG.....2D SESS. with which this duty has been performed, and my confidence in the results thus reached. It has been an arduous and responsible duty, requiring in each case a personal examination, and in many cases accurate surveys of the localities. Much valuable information has also been furnished in connection with the river and harbor improvements, greatly expediting the plans for prosecuting these works, and making available the results of the surveys and the personal examination of the superintendents to this branch of the public service. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. of the custom-house buildings at San Francisco, Within these limited appropriations in many In view of the very extensive correspondence cases accommodations must be provided for the which necessarily appertains to such extended and custom-house, post office, United States courts, varied operations, it is respectfully recommended offices for United States marshal, and clerks of the that the same authority as to receiving or sending United States courts. The great value of the paofficial communications connected with the survey, pers which must necessarily collect within the now exercised by the several bureaus of this De-buildings embracing the above-mentioned offices, partment, may be extended to the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, and to the assistant in charge of the Survey Office, the Superintendent being necessarily absent in the field much of his time. The duties of franking now thrown upon this Department are extremely onerous, while it produces delay incompatible with that prompt dispatch of the business of the Survey always to be desired. MISCELLANEOUS. In pursuance of the act of 31st August last, authorizing the formation of a Light-house Board, one officer of engineers of the Army, and one of the Topographical Engineers, two naval officers of high rank, and two civilians of distinguished scientific acquirements, have been designated by the President to form this Board, and one officer of the Navy and one of the Engineers as secretaries. The Board so constituted immediately organized, and entered upon the duties assigned them by law. The clerks employed upon the light-house business being one temporary clerk from the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, and four from the Fifth Auditor's bureau, were, as required by law, transferred to the office of the Light-house Board. The Board has been assiduously engaged in the proper duties assigned it. From the practical knowledge and high professional and scientific attainments combined in the eminent gentlemen comprising it, there is no reason to doubt that all the benefits contemplated by this new organization of that branch of the public service will be fully realized. A detailed report of the operations of the Board, comprising such changes and improvements in the present system as in its judgment have become necessary, is submitted with the present report. Under the act of the 31st August last, providing for the construction of not less than six revenue cutters, the Department advertised for proposals for the building of six vessels of designated size and finish. Proposals have accordingly been received, and the contract for the whole number has been awarded to the lowest bidder, under ample security for its faithful execution. The appropriation made will be sufficient for the construction of said vessels, and their perfect equipment for service. demand that every precaution should be taken on The contract for the extension and reorganiza- The great distance and consequent difficulty and delay in communicating with Oregon has prevented any definite progress being made in the erection of the proposed building at Astoria, The operations of the Department arising out of the provisions made for sick and disabled seamen, are becoming daily more onerous and extended. In consequence of the rapid expansion of our commerce, both foreign and domestic, the funds arising from the monthly contributions of twenty cents from the parties for whose benefit this truly beneficent system has been established, are insufficient for their relief, without the addition of direct appropriations by Congress. The previous appropriations from the Treasury for the relief of sick seamen have amounted to $969,069 34, besides $928,319 20 for the purchase of sites, the erection of hospital buildings, furniture, repairs, &c. Ho. OF REPS. folk, Virginia; Ocracoke, North Carolina; Cleveland, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois; Pittsburg, Pennsylvania; Louisville and Paducah, Kentucky; Natchez, Mississippi; New Orleans, Louisiana; Mobile, Alabama; and Key West, Florida. Appropriations have been made, and buildings authorized to be erected at Napoleon, Arkansas; St. Louis, Missouri; San Francisco, California; Evansville, Indiana; Portland, Maine, and Vicksburg, Mississippi. Estimates of appropriations for the completion of the buildings at St. Louis, and for the fencing and heating of buildings, and work necessary for their protection at Chicago, in Illinois; Cleveland, in Ohio; Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania; Louisville, in Kentucky; Paducah, Napoleon, and Natchez, have been submitted. These estimates are based upon a careful calculation of the amount and quantity of work to be done, and are deemed indispensably necessary for the buildings and grounds referred to. A contract has been made for the buildings at San Francisco, and those at Napoleon and St. Louis are nearly completed; that at St. Louis has been delayed, awaiting a further appropriation. A site has been purchased at Evansville, but the balance of the appropriation is not sufficient to erect a suitable building, and an additional appropriation of $20,000 is respectfully submitted. A site has been selected for an hospital at Portland, Maine, but the Department has not yet taken final action on the report of the commissioners appointed to select it. The following statements connected with the subject accompany the present report, viz: Statement T exhibits the whole amount received from the monthly contributions of seamen under the act of 16th July, 1798, up to 1st July, 1852. Statement U, exhibiting the amount appropriated by Congress for the purchase of sites, erection of marine hospitals, furniture, &c., designating the respective points and the amount of appropriations for each place. Statement V, exhibiting the present state of the hospital fund arising from the monthly contributions of the seamen, and the appropriations by Congress for their relief. The Supreme Court, in the case of Lawrence vs. Caswells, decided that no return of duties could be claimed by parties who had not at the time of making the entry entered a written protest declaring specially the grounds on which they objected to pay the duties; and the Department has felt itself bound by that decision, and has since declined to refund any duties alleged to be illegally assessed, except in cases where such written protest was made at the time, or where it evidently arose from a clerical error. This course involves great hardship in many cases where even the same parties, having in certain entries made a regular protest, have received back the duties erroneously assessed, agreeably to legal decisions; whilst in other cases, precisely similar in every respect, but where the formality of a protest was not observed, no return can be made under the above decision of the Supreme Court. I would recommend these cases to the favorable action of Congress, by investing in the Treasury Department the power to return duties in all cases which may be similar to those on which the Supreme Court may have made decisions in favor of the claimants, even if no protest has been made at the time by the parties. The Department recommends a continuance of the appropriations for the relief of sick seamen and boatmen, to the needful extent for supplying the deficiency in the amount received from the hospital fund; but it is not at present prepared to advise the erection of more marine hospitals. The experience of the Department induces me to believe that it is in every way preferable to make an arrangement for the care of sick seamen with local hospitals of high standing, which are under the immediate and vigilant supervision of citizens of the highest respectability, at the respective places. Such arrangements exist at New York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and at some other points, at a fixed weekly rate for each seaman, the cost of which is greatly less than it would be in a public hospital, and where the care and attention which the patients receive are fully equal to what they could possibly obtain in a Government institution, and their medical treatment is also under the direction of the most eminent professional talents and experience. In all places where a similar ar- The attention of Congress was called at the last rangement can be made, I am of opinion it should session to the necessity of a law-and one was be preferred, rather than erect other marine hos- framed for the purpose but not acted on-to check pitals in addition to those already authorized, as I the multiplicity of suits against the collectors of believe both the comfort of the sick, and economy the customs for duties alleged to be improperly of expenditure, would be promoted by the adop-collected, by obliging the same parties to consolítion of the former plan. Of the several custom-houses authorized, or in course of construction, that at New Orleans has progressed as fast as circumstances would permit; that at Savannah has been completed and occupied; at Charleston the foundation is progressing with all possible dispatch. Sites have been purchased, and proposals publicly invited for the erection of custom-house buildings at Mobile, Norfolk, Bangor, Louisville, St. Louis, and Cincinnati. Sites have been selected at Bath and Waldoboro', Maine, and Wilmington, in Delaware; and their purchase will be completed when the cession of jurisdiction shall have been obtained from the States in which they are respectively situated, in accordance with the requirements of the joint resolution of September, 1841. A site has been selected for the building authorized at Rich-men, there is probably no instance where so much mond, Virginia. So much of the appropriation, however, will be absorbed by its purchase that it has been deemed advisable to delay for the present any steps towards the erection of the building, with the view of requesting from Congress While the benefit of this fund is extended to an additional appropriation and the removal of the almost all the collection districts of the United existing restriction as to the amount of expendi-States, hospitals are completed and in full operaContracts have been made for the erection tion at Chelsea, near Boston, Massachusetts; Nor ture. Under the system which has been so long and so steadily pursued by the Government as regards this useful, but generally improvident class of date all their suits of a similar kind in one action; and also where one party had already entered a suit that no others involving the same principle should be instituted, on the Treasury Department agreeing, upon notice from other claimants, that the decision of the suit which may have been already entered, should govern in the settlement of the relief is granted, and so generally distributed, and ly and with the view to increase their costs, will enter separate and numerous suits, all precisely similar in the facts and circumstances. It is also essential that in all suits against collectors there should be the right of appeal to the 32D CONG....2D SESS. Supreme Court without regard to the amount, as there are numerous decisions made in the lower courts, involving important principles, which would probably be reversed, were an appeal granted, but which the amount involved does not admit of an appeal under existing laws. Congress at its last session having appropriated the sum of $10,000 for locating surf-boats on the coast of the United States, the Department called upon the Superintendent of the Coast Survey for a report showing the points where they could be most advantageously employed for the purpose of saving life and property from shipwreck. This report has lately been received, giving twelve points on the coast of Maine and Massachusetts as suitable locations; and orders will immediately issue for the supplying the same with the requisite boats and their appurtenances; and as soon as other suitable locations along the coast are furnished this Department from the Office of the Coast Survey, measures will be immediately taken for furnishing them likewise. Numerous reports have been made to the Department of the great saving of life and property on our coast by means of these boats; and I would respectfully suggest that a further appropriation of $10,000 be made for this laudable object, and that power be granted this Department to expend, from time to time, such portions of it as may be required to keep the boats and fixtures in repairs for immediate use, and compensate persons for taking care of them. The subject of the fisheries being one of high importance, and having recently attracted great and general attention, I transmit herewith a highlyinteresting and valuable report prepared for this Department by Lorenzo Sabine, Esq., embracing: 1. A report on the fisheries of France, Spain, and Portugal, in the American seas. 2. A report on the fisheries of Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward's Island, Magdalen Islands, Bay of Chaleurs, Labrador, and New Brunswick. 3. Report on the fisheries of the United States. 4. Review of the controversy between the United States and Great Britain as to the intent and meaning of the first article of the Convention of 1818. The following statements accompany the present report, viz: A. Statement of duties, revenues, and public expenditures, during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852, agreeably to warrants issued, exclusive of trust funds and Treasury notes funded. B. Statement of duties, revenues, and public expenditures, for the first quarter of the fiscal year, from July 1 to September 30, 1852, agreeably to warrants issued, exclusive of trust funds and Treasury notes funded. C. Statement of advances from the Treasury on account of the expenses of each custom-house in the United States during the year ending on the 30th June, 1852. D. Statement of the number of persons employed in each district of the United States, for the collection of customs, during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852, with their occupation and compensation, per act 3d March, 1849. E. Statement of the public debt on the 1st January, 1853. F. Statement of the redemption of Treasury notes during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1852. G. Statement exhibiting the total value of imports, and the imports consumed in the United States, exclusive of specie, during each fiscal year from 1821 to 1852; showing, also, the value of the domestic and foreign exports, exclusive of specie, and the tonnage employed during the same periods. H. Statement exhibiting the value of imports annually, from 1821 to 1852, designating separately the amount of specie, free and dutiable goods, respectively. I. Statement exhibiting the value of certain articles imported during the years ending on the 30th of June, 1844, 1845, 1846, 1848, 1849, 1850, 1851, and 1852, (after deducting the reëxportations,) and the amount of duty which accrued on each during the same periods, respectively. K. Statement exhibiting the amount of coin and bullion imported and exported annually, from 1821 to 1852, inclusive, and also the amount of import Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass. ation over exportation, and of exportation over importation during the same years. L. Statement exhibiting the quantity and value of wines, spirits, &c., imported annually, from 1843 to 1852, inclusive; and also showing the foreign cost per gallon under specific and ad valorem duties. M. Statement showing the value of goods remaining in warehouses at the close of each quarter, from the 30th of September, 1847, to the 30th of June, 1852, as exhibited by the quarterly returns of the collectors of the customs, under the provisions of the act of the 6th of August, 1846; and also the amount of duties payable thereon. N. Statement exhibiting the value of dutiable merchandise reexported annually, from 1821 to 1852, inclusive; and showing also the value re exported from warehouses under the act of August 6, 1846. O. Statement exhibiting the value of foreign merchandise imported, reexported, and consumed, annually, from 1821 to 1852, inclusive, and also the estimated population and rate of consumption, per capita, during the same periods. P. Statement exhibiting the value of merchandise and domestic produce, &c., exported annually from 1821 to 1852. Q. Statement exhibiting the quantity and value of cotton exported annually, from 1821 to 1852, inclusive, and the average price per pound. R. Statement exhibiting the aggregate value of breadstuffs and provisions exported annually, from 1821 to 1852. S. Statement exhibiting the quantity and value of tobacco and rice exported annually, from 1821 to 1852, inclusive. All of which is respectfully submitted, Hon. LINN BOYD, COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA. DEBATE IN THE SENATE, TUESDAY, January 15, 1853, On the Resolutions of Mr. CASS, relative to colonization in North America. The Senate proceeded, as in Committee of the Whole, to consider the joint resolution declaratory of the views of the United States respecting colonization on the North American continent by European Powers, and respecting the Island of Cuba; which is as follows: "Be it resolved, &c., That the United States do hereby declare that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Power.' And while 'existing rights should be respected,' and will be by the United States, they owe it to their own safety and interests' to announce, as they now do, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with their consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.' And should the attempt be made, they thus deliberately declare that it will be viewed as an act originating in motives regardless of their interests and their safety,' and which will leave them free to adopt such measures as an independent nation may justly adopt in defense of its rights and its honor. "And be it further resolved, That while the United States disclaim any designs upon the Island of Cuba inconsistent with the laws of nations and with their duties to Spain, they consider it due to the vast importance of the subject, to make known, in this solemn manner, that they should view all efforts on the part of any other Power to procure possession, whether peaceably or forcibly, of that island, which, as a naval or military position, must, under circumstances easy to be foreseen, become dangerous to their southern coast, to the Gulf of Mexico, and to the mouth of the Mississippi, as unfriendly acts, directed against them, to be resisted by all the means in their power." The question pending was on the following amendment offered by Mr. HALE: "And be it further resolved, That while the United States, in like manner, disclaim any designs upon Canada inconsistent with the laws of nations, and with their duties to Great Britain, they consider it due to the vast importance of the subject to make known, in this solemu manner, that they should view all efforts on the part of any other Power to procure possession, either peaceably or forcibly, of that Province, (which, as a naval or military position, must, under circumstances easy to be foreseen, become dangerous to their northern boundary, and to the lakes,) as unfriendly acts directed against them, to be resisted by all the means in their power." Mr. CASS. Mr. President, the question of the SENATE. recolonization of any part of this hemisphere by the European Powers has occupied the attention of the American people for many years, with more or less interest, as passing events seemed to render the effort more or less probable. The general subject, as well as the principles involved in it, has been so often discussed that I do not propose to enter into a very full examination of our rights and condition connected with this important topic, but rather to present the general considerations belonging to it. Two Presidents of the United States have, by solemn public acts, in their messages to Congress, declared and maintained the principles respecting American exemption from European dominion, which are laid down in the first of the resolutions before us, and have distinctly and satisfactorily established not only our right but our duty to do so, as one of the great elements of our national safety and prosperity. Mr. Monroe, in 1823, said: "We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those Powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European Power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the Governments which have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any Ea ropean Power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States." Mr. Polk, in the same spirit, in 1845, said: "The people of the United States cannot, therefore, view with indifference attempts of European Powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too pow. erful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the balance of power. It cannot be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle, that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent State, propose to unite themselves with our Confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine, without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European Powers shall interfere to prevent such a union because it might disturb the balance of power' which they may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that The American continent, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects 'for future colonization by any European Power.' This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European Power attempt to establish any new colony in North America." In some remarks upon this subject in the Senate a few days since, I alluded to, rather than considered, the general grounds upon which this claim of independent action for the nations of the American continent rested for its assertion. I shall not repeat those views, contenting myself with saying that this right of exclusion results from the condition of this continent, and from those general principles of the public law of the world, by which it protects the interests and safety of nations in the varying circumstances in which they may be placed. The history of that code shows that it has a power of adaptation to the advancing conditions of nations, and that rigid inflexibility is not it by the discovery of America in the establishone of its attributes. The changes introduced into ment of the principles of occupation and settlement, are familiar to all, and furnish an illustration of this progressive improvement. The right of recolonization would necessarily lead to the renewal, indeed, to the perpetual domination of European Powers, and their colonies, wherever planted, would become parties with the mother countries in all their wars, though far beyond the true sphere of their causes and objects. We should thus find ourselves in juxtaposition, it might be, and at any rate within the reach of the action of communities, rendered enemies by the disputes, too often frivolous, and almost always indifferent, of nations on the other side of the Atlantic. Such a state of things, bringing wars to our coast, to our inland boundaries even, and interrupting the peaceful and profitable avocations of a whole continent, to gratify the pride or jealousy, or some other equally unworthy passion of ministers or mistresses, where these are the deposita 32D CONG.....2D SESS. ries of power, would be “dangerous to our peace and safety." But I do not know that the general principle of this claim of exemption is contested. Certainly it cannot be upon any just grounds. Our Executive Government has assumed it upon full consideration, and the history of our negotiations with England, to be found in the interesting account given by Mr. Rush, our able and faithful representative, of his mission to that country, proves beyond doubt, that although the British Ministry were opposed to our anti-colonization doctrine, lest it might interfere with ulterior objects of aggrandizement on their part, yet, they entirely concurred in the application of the principle to the recentlyemancipated Spanish Colonies, which in fact, conceded the right of the United States to extend the same policy to any portion of the continent not then actually possessed by a European Power. And Mr. Monroe distinctly announced this fact, saying: "It is gratifying to know that some of the Powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views [concerning the condition of the Spanish-American States] have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them." Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass. satisfactory answer to this question. Though there is no doubt but that these Executive declarations were beneficial in their operations, and aided in checking schemes of aggrandizement, which, had they gone on, would have changed the political aspect of the country south of us, and greatly to our injury, still they have not been wholly regarded, as events upon the La Plata and in other regions have practically demonstrated, and occurrences now going on in Central America, and which, from day to day, occupy the earnest attention of the Senate, showing the steps by which the merest shadow of possession becomes a claim, and a claim a title, which carries with it dominion and sovereignty, treaty or no treaty. These occurrences announce that our declared policy of exclusion will be still further disregarded, unless authoritatively reaffirmed in the name of the American people. An experiment is making upon our forbearance, or rather upon our apprehension, and as it is resisted or submitted to, it will be abandoned, or pushed to results which no nation now ventures openly to avow. It is but a few years since, that a principle looking to an American balance of power, was announced by the French Prime Minister, Mr. Guizot, in the Chamber of Deputies, in relation to occurrences at Buenos Ayres, utterly inconsistent with the true American doctrine; and no doubt our own negligence, or rather our timidled to the belief that we do not intend to carry out our own principles, and that, therefore, they may be safely disregarded by other nations. I repeat, that the nature of our Government furnishes a satisfactory solution of this course of foreign policy. The annunciation of our views upon this subject was intended to warn the Powers of Europe of our policy, and thus to prevent the violation of its principle. But upon this, as upon many other occasions, we halted in our course, and did not come up to our work. We did not keep on the line of political knowledge. We should have added the solemnity and the force of a legislative concurrence to these Executive declarations. Such annunciations, when made by the head of a European State, are made authoritatively, because, he who uses them, has the power to enforce them. They become settled maxims of These words of wisdom of one of the most en- policy, and other nations are aware that they lightened men of England, commend themselves, cannot be interfered with, except at the hazard of by their justice and liberality, to the consideration war. But it is far different here. Great principles of every true American, and they are not the less of national conduct depend essentially upon public just and liberal because they were urged with a sentiment, and can only be enforced in the last review to induce our Government to become a party sort by the action of Congress. Public sentiment to a European Congress for the arrangement of has, I believe, with almost unexampled unanimity, American affairs. It was wise to reject the pro-approved this principle, but Congress has never, posal; it is not less wise to acquiesce in the doctrine which led to it, and to make it ours by its practical enforcement in our own way, as a question of American policy, beyond the just sphere of European interposition. When such statesmen as Mr. Monroe, Mr. Polk, and Mr. Canning, unite in their general views of our rights and duties, those of us who believe in this salutary doctrine, and in the expediency of enforcing it, may well bear the censures, and sneers, and ridicule, and reproach, which our efforts encounter from some, because we go too far, and from others, because we do not go far enough, while the cautious and the timid see in every assertion of national rights and honor, a fearful cloud impending over our country, ready to burst upon us, and sweep away our prosperity, if not our existence. When Mr. Canning announced to Mr. Rush that "England could not see the transfer of any portion of them (these same States) to any other Power with indifference," she acted upon consid-ity, has encouraged this spirit of presumption, and erations much more applicable to our condition than to hers, and which are coextensive with the continent. There is great force in the remark of that eminent British statesman upon our situation and political duties: "It concerned the United States under aspects and interests as immediate and commanding, as it did or could any of the States of Europe. They were the first Power on that continent, and now confessedly the leading Power. They were connected with Spanish America by their position, as with Europe by their relations. And they also stood connected with these new States by political relations. Was it possible they could see with indifference their fate decided only by Europe? Could Europe expect this indifference? Had not new epoch arrived in the relative position of the United States towards Europe, which Europe must acknowledge? Were the great political and commercial interests which hung upon the destinies of the new Continent to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere (Europe) without the coöperation or even knowledge of the United States?" One third of a century has passed away since these diplomatic discussions, and if our position and circumstances, being the oldest of the family of nations in the western hemisphere, conferred upon us at that time, such rights, accompanied by such duties, how much stronger is the appeal of this policy of continental independence to our earnest attention now, when time has developed our strength and our danger, and when our American interests are primary, and those which connect us with Europe but secondary in importance, and when, from day to day, this disparity is increasing. This, then, being our settled plan of policy, and having been so announced to the world by two Chief Magistrates of our country, why, it may be asked, does it become necessary for Congress to interpose, and by a legislative declaration, reaffirm it? The nature of our Government furnishes a by action or declaration, given to it the sanction An able and distinguished Senator from Ohio, Mr. Monroe, when he first announced this policy, considered the occasion proper for the assertion of "a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved." If the circumstances to which he referred justified this great and untried measure at that day, much more do the circumstances in which we are now placed SENATE. justify the most solemn declaration of our adherence to it. Some of the independent States of Spanish origin seem to be hastening to dissolution, and almost all of them are weak, unquiet, agitated, and with elements of destruction in more or less active operation. The most important in extent, in population, and in natural resources, and the one which, from its coterminous position, has the most intimate relations with our peace and interests, is precisely the Power whose fate appears to be the most doubtful. Its internal agitations announce one of those catastrophes, whose consequences are beyond the reach of human sagacity. It is impossible but that this state of things should have attracted the attention of European statesmen, and have given rise to schemes, more or less matured, for turning the circumstances to the advantage of the two great Powers most likely to interfere, because most interested, and most capable of making their interference felt. We cannot disguise from ourselves that our progress and prospects, while they are a reproach to many of the Governments of the Old World, have excited their enmity by the contrasts they exhibit, and by the dangerous example they offer to the oppressed masses, inviting them to do as we have done, and to become free, as we are free. He who does not know that there is not a Government in Europe, which is a friend to our institutions, has much to learn of the impressions that our past, and present, and probable future, are producing among them. And while we should watch their designs with constant, even with jealous care, it does not become us to magnify either our own danger or their power. I have no fear of a direct attack upon this country. I do not believe that such a project is even among the reveries of the most dreaming statesman now on the stage of action. But what we have to apprehend is plans for arresting our extent and prosperity, the seizure of positions by which we might be annoyed and circumscribed, and the creation of an influence, and of schemes of policy, offering powerful obstacles to our future advancement. Motives have always existed and been in operation for checking our progress, but recent events have added as well to their number as their gravity. We have acquired an extensive territory upon the shores of the great ocean of the west, and our flag waves in the breeze that comes from the islands and continent of Asia. Think you, Mr. President, there is a maritime nation in Europe, which does not desire that every possible obstacle should be interposed in the way of all communication between the eastern and the western portions of this magnificent republican empire? Not one; and Nicaragua routes, and Panama routes, and Tehuantepec routes, and all others, if there are any others, to be used by us, are so many abominations in their eyes, to be tolerated only till they can be closed upon us by the occupation of commanding positions whenever opportunities can be found, or made for seizing them. Considerations of this nature, far more than their intrinsic value, give importance to Honduras, to the Colony of the Bay of Islands, to Sonora, to Chihuahua, and to other points where European intrigues have been at work to obtain possession. All we want is a fair and equal field for exertion, and if we have not industry and enterprise enough to hold our own way in the great career of advancement, we deserve to fall behind our rivals and cotemporaries, and ought to find no one" to do us reverence. But I have no fear of this, nor indeed has any one else. It should, therefore, be a cardinal maxim of our policy, to preserve, as far as we can, the integrity of the cisatlantic Republics, for it is almost as much for their interest as it is for ours, that these great lines of communication should be opened to all the world, and free to the competition of every nation. There has recently been an attempt to wrest Sonora from the Mexican dominion, which at first. attracted some attention in this country; but it has apparently failed, and the effort seems now rather to be ridiculed than condemned. The circumstances connected with the origin of that movement, are obscure, but public rumor at first assigned it indirectly to French agents, made with a view to the extension of the jurisdiction of their country over that region. There are strong reasons for believing that this conjecture was correct, though 32D CONG.....2D SESS. to what extent those concerned acted from authority, will probably never be known, especially as the result was unfortunate, and such an event generally leaves these secret political agents to meet the consequences of their own responsibility. But it is not a little curious that it was known here that such a movement would be made, before we had any actual information of its occurrence, and it was understood to be under the direction of French interests, and with the design of French acquisition. I received a letter myself, from a quarter I am not at liberty to disclose, some days before we heard of the enterprise, which I mentioned to my colleague and to other gentlemen, foretelling the movement and coupling it with designs of permanent annexation. And a document has since reached this country, which is worthy of our attention, and which goes far to confirm these anticipations. It is a memoir, published recently at Paris, by Mr. Dupasquier de Dommartin, for the purpose of drawing the attention of European Powers, and especially of France, to the purpose of colonizing Sonora and Northern Mexico, as the only means of checking the rapid and formidable growth of the United States, and preventing for ever the acquisition of a railroad from the Missis sippi to the Pacific ocean. The writer has devoted himself for some time to the careful study of this subject, has thoroughly explored the region of which he writes, and has laid the foundation for the policy he recommends, by procuring, through the aid of the French Minister in Mexico, large grants of land for the purpose of colonization, from the local authorities of Sonora and Chihuahua. It is well remarked by the New York Timesto which paper I owe the above extract, as well as the translated memoir-that the fact of the commencement of such a colony, with the open avowal of such a purpose, is, of itself, sufficient to command the prompt attention of the American people and Government. And the interest is increased by the consideration, that such an appeal is thus publicly made for coöperation in the plan; made, too, in the French capital, where no such publication could appear, without the consent of the Government, that a French company obtained exclusive grants in Sonora; and that an attempt has been made to wrest that region by arms from Mexico. All these may, by possibility, be accidental coincidences, and not cooperating causes; but the suggestion requires a good deal of national charity, before it can become even credible. I wish there was time to lay this memoir before the Senate, for it is a very significant document, advocating the very policy from which we have most to fear in all our foreign relations. But I must confine myself to a very general summary of it. The writer adverts to our commercial interests, and to their extension; to our object to obtain absolute command of the commerce of the world, and to the certainty with which our projects of aggrandizement will be effected, from the wonderful progress we are making, and shall make, unless Europe interferes to prevent it. He then considers the condition of Mexico, with a view to show, that from her state of weakness and division, she will fall a prey to the grasping rapacity of the United States, unless saved by European colonization. He also gives a narrative of his explorations in Mexico, and of his efforts to lay the foundation for carrying his designs into effect. This brief abstract must suffice for the general purpose I have in view. I shall add to it the summary made by the author himself. He says: "From the preceding there result two facts: First, that Mexico possesses the key of the Northern Continent, of the Atlantic and the Pacific, by land and by these two seas, of all the commerce which is carried on there. Second, that the existence of Mexico, pressed on all parts by the United States, hangs only by a thread." "The whole question is now reduced to knowing if Europe will permit the United Stales to obtain so much power." A French periodical, of high and established character, The Annuaire des Deux Mondes, for 1852, has some remarks strongly corroborative of the importance of the suggestions of Mr. Dupasquier de Dommartin. "Some attempts," says that journal, "to afford a remedy for Mexican difficulties, have meantime been recently made. We mention the commencement of the colonization of the State of Sonora, which has been greatly aided by 'the French Minister." He who supposes that a Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass. ་ French diplomatic agent would take such a step, without the instructions of his Government, knows nothing of that punctilious sentiment of duty which animates his corps, and little of the responsibility he would encounter. "Three hundred Frenchmen," says our authority, "collected from different parts of the Republic, are already settled 'upon the lands granted by the Government. 'Within a few years, a Frenchman, Mr. Dupas'quier de Dommartin, has shown a lively interest in the projects of colonization." "This," the adoption of his plans, "will be the 'surest dyke against the usurpation of the Ameri 'can race. SENATE. do, you must fortify it by the declaration of your zealous concurrence, and, if need be, your powerful cooperation. Or are we afraid to speak out boldly, plainly, as becomes the American people, trusting to the miserable policy of expedients, instead of asserting our rights and our determination to maintain them? It may be consoling to observe, at least for those who need the consolation, that a legislative declaration would, to say the least of it, have a strong tendency to prevent attempts, which, without such an imposing measure, would doubtless be made; for assuredly a contest with the United States for the acquisition of territory in North America, the very seat of our power, would not be hazarded without very powerful considerations, which it is difficult to foresee, in the face of the exertions of this country, putting forth all its strength. So much for this project of reconverting the American continent into European colonies, and for the position it is our duty to assume and maintain in relation to it. And now for the second resolution, which looks to the present and the future of the Island of Cuba. "There is also involved the great interest of England for Europe, in not allowing to be accomplished, in spite of her, perhaps against her, and 'to her detriment, this new dismemberment of the Spanish-American Empire." The Courrier des Etats-Unis, published at New York, the wellknown organ of the French Government in this country, in an article, a few days since, made a very pregnant allusion, whether carelessly or carefully I know not, but certainly well worthy of attention: "As yet," says the Courrier, "France But before proceeding to the consideration of it, 'has not set her foot on the American continent. it is proper to remark, that its form has provoked We may fear what she will do, we admit, but in a good deal of animadversion and some opposi"good faith she does not yet merit the least crimin- tion, because the desire of the United States to 'ation." This is honest enough, indeed, whether purchase Cuba is not distinctly announced upon intended as a prophecy or as a warning. It may this occasion. Mr. President, it is an occasion be that it will be found expedient to irradiate the which is not appropriate to such a declaration. new empire with the luster of conquest; and it also Our present purpose, in this appeal to the world, may be, that the great augmentation of the French is to announce our policy, should any other naNavy is connected with the designs upon this con- tion attempt to obtain possession, by the consent tinent, so distinctly portrayed in the quotations I or without the consent of Spain, and in the conhave made. Nothing is lost by a provident fore-viction that such a solemn procedure will have a cast. Now, it can hardly be doubted by any man who is familiar with the course of European interposition, that if the effort just made to overthrow the Mexican Government in Sonora had succeeded, ere long the country would have passed into the possession of France, unless prevented by our remonstrances, or by armed intervention. As it failed, we shall not know its true history until we read it in another attempt, and perhaps a successful one. That, however, will not be made, if we are true to ourselves, by announcing and continuing to manifest a determination to resist it, or any similar scheme of European aggrandizement. It is obvious, from the foregoing recapitulation, that our policy and purposes are attracting the attention of Europe; and whatever difference of opinion may prevail respecting the true origin and objects of the recent movements in Sonora, it is equally obvious that we may look for similar explosions, from time to time, with results far more injurious to us, unless anticipated and prevented by a prompt, bold, and decisive declaration, made to be enforced with all our power, should circumstances be grave enough to require us to put forth our whole strength. If, then, we have a right to insist upon this principle of American exemption, and if the condition of things, here and elsewhere, may render the exercise of this right essential to our interest and our safety, and, still more, if the original annunciation of the doctrine meet, as it unquestionably does, the general approbation of the country, what objection can there be to its reaffirmation by Congress, the depository of so much of the power of the American people? Why this course is rendered necessary, I have already explained, and have shown that the time which has intervened since its first proclamation, and the circumstances, which have almost reduced it to a dead letter, have, produced the impression, which evidently prevails in Europe, that we are not prepared to enforce it, as the war-making authority has refused or neglected to sanction it-why, I repeat, withhold this action, and leave us thereby to encourage untoward events, which due firmness, on our part, might anticipate, and would probably prevent? The decree stands recorded in the history of our ExecuIt is essential to its vitality, that it should now take its place in the acts of the Legislative Department. Why not? Do you mean to leave it without effect, and abandon it to its fate, and not even attempt to enforce it? If so, it would be much more honorable to repeal it. Or do you desire its efficient action in great exigencies, which may come, probably, indeed, will come, for if you tive acts. tendency to prevent designs which might otherwise be undertaken. But our purchase of Cuba is a question between us and Spain, and requires no public annunciation to other nations, and to make it, would be a sacrifice of our own self-respect. So far as respects my own personal views, these I have already explained to the Senate. I desire the possession of Cuba, earnestly desire it, whenever we can justly obtain it, and the sooner that time comes the better; for then will be finally settled one of the most delicate questions-the most delicate, perhaps, in our foreign policy, always liable to embarrass us by grave conjunctures more easily to be seen than to be guarded against. As to the means, though, as I have already said, I am prepared to advocate its purchase, even at the most liberal price. Still, I should prefer its acquisition by the action of the people of Cuba-and a noble tribute it would be to our institutions-in the exercise of their power as an independent nation, could they succeed by any arrangement with Spain in procuring her recognition of that condition, or should they be able and prepared to establish their right to a place in the family of nations. There are two questions involved in this subject of Cuba: one of right, the other of expediency. Whether we can do anything justly, and if we can, what and how much we ought to do. This great measure of policy, connected with the destiny of that important insular position, has long occupied the attention of the American people, and the considerations bearing upon it have been so often and so elaborately presented, that I shall confine my present remarks within the narrowest compass which the gravity of the inquiry will permit. We are all aware of the recent circumstances which have attracted and arrested public attention; and though the crisis they appeared to foreshadow has passed away, still there are elements of difficulty arising out of the uncertain condition of the Spanish monarchy, both metropolitan and colonial, which must be in active operation, ever liable to produce results gravely affecting our vital interests. The right of one country to occupy or control portions of the possessions of another, is deducible from the great law of self-defense, which is as applicable to communities as to individuals. There are many instances in modern history of the application of this doctrine, and the code which regulates the intercourse of nations, and which adapts itself to the existing circumstances of the world, recognizes this power of self-preservation. Like other human pretensions, this is liable to abuse, and has been greatly abused in Europe, and espe 32D CONG.....2D SESS. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. cially by the usurpations, arising out of the balance of power-a principle avowedly introduced for the protection of the weak against the strong, but practically perverted to make the strong more powerful, and the weak more dependent. A nation, feeling the responsibility of its conduct towards God and man, and sensible of its own duties, should take care, when driven to avert danger by anticipating it, that it does not mistake a spirit of aggrandizement for the just claims of self-defense, and seize the fleet of a friendly Power, a Danish fleet, for example, as a mere instrument of maritime supremacy. · The true principle is well laid down in our own legislative history, and was announced in the resolution of Congress of March 3d, 1811, which declared: "Taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain, and of her American provinces, and considering the influence which the destiny of the territory adjoining the southern border of the United States may have upon their security, tranquillity, and commerce: Therefore "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the United States, under the peculiar circumstances of the existing crisis, cannot, without serious inquietude, see any part of the said territory pass into the hands of any foreign Power, and that a due regard to their own safety compels them to provide, under certain contingencies, for the temporary occupation of the said territory. They at the same time declare, that the said territory shall, in their hands, remain subject to future negotiations." Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass. And in the act of Congress, passed on the same day, for the purpose of carrying this declaratory resolution into effect, it is provided that the President "be authorized to take possession of the country east of the Perdido river, and south of the State of Georgia and of the Mississippi Territory," among other events, in case it should be delivered up by the local authority," or in the event of an attempt to occupy the said Territory by any foreign Government. This is our doctrine and our policy, and the very proposition of the French and British Governments to our own, to regulate, by a tripartite treaty, without the participation of Spain, the future condition of Cuba, is itself a concession of the right to direct and control peculiar positions upon whose fate important interests depend. Does the Island of Cuba present those paramount considerations connected with our safety and prosperity, which justify the United States in the exercise of a vigilant supervision over its destiny, and in the adoption of decisive measures for its possession, should any other nation seek to obtain it by force or by purchase? The importance of the question, rather than any difficulty in its solution, deserves a passing consideration, and in referring to it, I must repeat views I have heretofore presented to the Senate upon this subject. The Gulf of Mexico is the reservoir of the great river of the North American continent, whose importance it is as difficult to realize, as it is the value of the country which must seek an outlet to the ocean through its waters. That country is nearly equal to all Europe in extent, embracing twentyfive degrees of latitude, and thirty-five of longitude upon the great circles of the globe. This vast basin extends from the summit of the Alleghany to the summit of the Rocky Mountains, and its population now equals eight millions. The man yet lives, who was living when almost the first tree fell before the woodsman's stroke in this great domain; and the man is now living, who will live to see it contain one hundred millions of people. Already the hardy western pioneer has crossed the barrier of the Rocky Mountains, and the forest is giving way before human industry upon the very shores that look out upon China and Japan. The Mississippi is the great artery of this region; which, drawing its supplies from the fountains at the north, pours them into the ocean under a tropical sun, and drains, in its own course, and in the course of its mighty tributaries-tributaries in name, but equals and rivals in fact-the most magnificent empire which God, in his providence, has ever given to man to reclaim. and enjoy. I have myself descended that great stream two thousand miles in a birch canoe, admiring the country through which it passes in a state of nature, and lost in the contemplation of what that country is to be when subdued by human industry. The statistics of such a region, in years to come, is a subject too vast for calculation. Its extent, fertility, salubrity, means of internal navigation, and the character of the people who will inhabit it, During the palmy days of Napoleon, it is said measures The Gulf of Mexico, sir, must be practically an American lake, for the great purpose of security, not to exclude other nations from its enjoyment, but to prevent any dominant Power, with foreign or remote interests, from controlling its navigation. It becomes us to look our difficulties in the face. Nothing is gained by blinking a great question. may be, provide for it. We have, indeed, no Prudent statesmen should survey it, and as far as Mount Carmel, like that of Judea, nor prophet to ascend it, and to warn us against a coming storm. But the home of every citizen is a Mount Carmel for us, whence we can survey the approaching cloud, even when no bigger than a man's hand, which threatens to overspread the political aumosSo long as Cuba is held by its present possessphere, and to burst in danger upon his country. ors, neither we nor the commercial world have France; for the latter country also has its schemes anything to fear from the projects of England or of territorial and mercantile aggrandizement, as is apparent from the considerations I have already condition, and in all human probability never can presented to the Senate. Spain is not now in a position, and we may well rely upon her want of be, seriously to annoy us, even if she had the dispower and her want of will, and rest satisfied that her most precious dependency, the Queen of the Antilles, will not be hazarded by converting it into a military and naval arsenal for interrupting and seizing our commerce and devastating our coasts. But let the dominion be transferred to England or France, and where are we? The mouth of our most disastrous injuries inflicted upon us. great river might be hermetically closed, and the not pursue these considerations further, for he who is incredulous to their force, would not be driven from his incredulity by any effort of mine. I need Such being the intimate relations between this island-fortress and our safety and prosperity, are there such indications of danger as to call upon a provident nation to decide upon its course upon this subject are neither few nor doubtful. I promptly, and to pursue it inflexibly? The signs am not going to review them. But no man of ordinary sagacity, looking to the acknowledged policy of France and England, can question the desire of both of them to acquire this commanding not long since in the House of Commons, which position. And a characterístic incident occurred SENATE. shows the views of British statesmen upon this "He had read in the Times an extract from a United States paper, in which it was stated, that if the United States did not possess herself of Cuba, Great Britain would, and that England had a greater claim, by one hundred fold, to Cuba than the United States had to Mexico, because a sum of £45,000,000 was due to British subjects, and Cuba was hypothecated for the debt, &c., &c. He would therefore say at once, let them (the British) take possession of Cuba, and settle the question altogether. Let them distrain upon it for the just debt due-and too long in vain-from the Spanish Government." And then comes the true key to the English heart: "Then depend upon it," continued the speaker, "when Great Britain possessed the Havana, as once she did in 1762, when she held it for about a year, and then exchanged it for the Floridas, and WHEN SHE COULD CUT THE TRADE OF AMERICA in two, no more boasts would be heard of what the United States could do," &c. The importance of Cuba to our interest seems to be pretty well appreciated in the halls of British legislation. This last candid avowal of a design and a desire to cut in twain the commerce along our southern coasts, would find its proper place in a precious article published some years since in War with the United States a Blessing to ManBlackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, entitled “A kind," filled with some of the most cold-blooded suggestions that ever marked even that notorious receptacle of vile slanders against this country. terference, independent of our position, is to be The present security of Cuba from European inAnd could this be removed by any scheme of found in the jealousy of France and England. partition, the mortgage would be foreclosed, for transferred as soon as the process could be completed. And we are reminded, in the recent corFrance also has a similar lien, and the property respondence between Mr. Everett and the Ministers of France and England, on the subject of the proposed tripartite treaty, suggestively or significantly, as may be, that the hypothecation is yet in full force as "British and French subjects, as accounts, creditors of Spain for large sums of well as the French Government are, on different How soon the creditors may distrain, money. in the language of Lord George Bentinck, may I am satisfied they depend upon our course. will resort to no such remedy, should we keep on Mr. Canning's line of political knowledge, and say, if you touch the island, that act will be a declaration of war against the United States. Besides, no man can look at the aspect of Europe without feeling assured that, from day to day, collisions may arise between nations, and internal convulsions may shake the very frame of society. And wars may thus break out, extending their effects may be, is incapable of rejuvenation; I do not through the globe. The Spanish monarchy, it know how that may be, and I leave it to a wiser or to a rasher man than I am to speak confidently. But certainly that kingdom is marked with the signs of some approaching catastrophe. If the new French Empire follows the traditions, as it inherits the name and institutions of the old, name, in my opinion, in modern, if not in ancient which rose and fell with its founder, the greatest European history, it will soon make itself felt in the Hesperian Peninsula, and become the arbiter of its fate. To rely, as some profess to do, upon the security which the present state of things in Europe gives to the Spanish dominion in Cuba, is to neglect the most obvious dictates of policy, and to abandon an object of vast importance to the mere chance of events. The correspondence to which I have just alluded verting to these, however, I desire to express my gives rise to some serious reflections. Before adwarm approbation of the letter of Mr. Everett. It is worthy of his character, and it is marked by a lofty patriotic American feeling. I have seldom seen a document more conclusive in its argument, or more beautiful in its style or illustrations. If it had announced openly that we desire to purchase Cuba-and that declaration would have been to it almost my unqualified adhesion; but even appropriate to the occasion-I should have given with that omission, I feel proud of it, as an American State paper. And I thank Mr. Everett for the reproof, or re |