Resolved 3. "That the net Revenues of Bengal and the North Western Provinces, together, for the year ended the 30th day of April, 1852, amounted to 13,255,1507. sterling; and the Charges thereupon, including the Military Charges, amounted to 8,770,830. sterling, leaving a surplus available for the general Charges of India of 4,484,3207, Resolved 4. "That the total net Revenues of the Madras Presidency (Fort St. George), for the year ended the 30th day of April, 1852, amounted to 3,704,0487. sterling; and the net Charges thereof, for the same period, amounted to 3,204,2731. sterling, leaving a surplus available for the general Charges of India of 499,7751. sterling." Resolved 5. "That the total net Revenues of the Bombay Presidency, for the year ended the 30th day of April, 1852, amounted to 2,868,2981. sterling; and the net Charges thereof, for the same period, amounted to 2,847,3927. sterling, leaving a surplus available for the general Charges of India of 20,9061. sterling." Resolved 6. "That the total net Revenues of the several Presidencies, for the year ended the 30th day of April, 1852, amounted to 19,827,4961. sterling; and the Charges thereof amounted to 14,822,4957. sterling, leaving a surplus Revenue of 5,005,0017. sterling." Resolved 7. "That the Interest on the Registered Debt of India paid in the year ended the 30th day of April, 1852, amounted to 1,967,3591. sterling, and the Charges defrayed in England on account of the Indian Territory in the same period amounted to 2,506,3771. sterling, leaving a surplus of Indian Income for the year ended as aforesaid, after defraying the above Interest and Charges, of 531,2651. sterling." House resumed. MEDICAL GRADUATES (UNIVERSITY OF LONDON) BILL. Order for consideration of Lords' Amendments read. MR. MOWBRAY said, he rose to call attention to the circumstance that those Amendments excluded the University of Durham from the operation of the Bill, which had only been originally included in it after a very considerable discussion in that House. Now, he must say, after the question had undergone so complete an investigation after the proposal had met with the sanction of Her Majesty's Ministers in that House, he was entirely unprepared to find, without any previous notification of such an intention, an Amendment made by a Cabinet Minister in the other House, and supported by another Cabinet Minister, to the effect of excluding the University of Durham from the Bill. Still he was not without hope that the RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES EARL FORTESCUE moved the Resolution of which he had given notice "That as regards the Russian Government Securities Bill, the war with Russia, and the attempt now making by that Power to procure a loan for the carrying on of that war, render it urgent that every means should be immediately taken to prevent any British capital from being applied to the objects of that or any future Russian loan during the continuance of the war; it is therefore reasonable that this Bill should, notwithstanding the late period at which it has been brought up from the House of Commons, be taken into immediate consideration; and if the House shall think fit so to order, be read a second time this day." He had only to say, in asking their Lordships' assent to this Resolution, that whatever might be their Lordships' opinion as to the merits of the Bill, he thought they would agree that a measure which had for its object to defeat a great financial operation now being carried on by the Russian Government, after having passed the House of Commons by a large majority, ought not to be put aside without discussion in that House on the simple ground of its having come up from the other House at so late a period of the Session. THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE said, he should certainly support the Motion of his noble Friend, and, if it were agreed to by their Lordships, would then support the Bill of which his noble Friend was to move the second reading. He was not, however, at all prepared to say that this Bill, even in the form in which it had come up from the House of Commons, was rendered very necessary on account of the present state of the law, and he should be sorry to recognise any such proposition. At the same time the Bill had been de nuded of many of the objectionable features which they had reason to believe it contained on its first introduction into the other House; and he should be sorry, either on the part of the Government or his own, to throw any obstacles in the way of passing a measure which had been considered by the other House of Parliament necessary to enable Her Majesty's Government to have more easily available means at command for checking the financial operations of the public enemy. He thought it desirable that their Lordships should know that Government had not neglected the subject to which the Bill referred. The moment that there was an announcement made on the Exchanges of this and other countries that Russia was about to endeavour to contract a loan, Her Majesty's Government, without twenty-four hours' delay, took the opinion of the law officers of the Crown how far it would be legal for British subjects to have any concern with a transaction the obvious intentions of which was to enable a foreign Power to raise forces which would be used for a purpose adverse to this Crown and nation. The law officers of the Crown gave it as their distinct and positive opinion that it would be high treason on the part of any British subject to be parties to such a transaction; and thereupon, without a moment's delay, his noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Office wrote to our Ministers at foreign Courts, and to the Consuls in the chief towns of the Continent, desiring them to make public intimation, and to spread it as widely as possible, that British subjects would incur this heavy penalty if they involved themselves in any transaction connected with the proposed loan. That their Lordships might see that these steps were as immediate as he had mentioned, he might state that even from the United States of North America answers had been received to the communications sent out at that time. This was not the only step taken by Her Majesty's Government; for they communicated also with our Ministers at foreign Courts, desiring them to make an earnest appeal to the Courts to which they were accredited, that they would, to the utmost of their power, throw obstacles in the way of this loan, inasmuch as we had a right to consider that its negotiation would be at variance with the character of neutrality or of alliance existing between these Courts and Her Majesty. Answers to those notes likewise had been received. He mentioned these facts in order that their Lordships might The Duke of Newcastle see, in the first place, that this question had not been neglected by Her Majesty's Government; and, in the second, that strong powers already existed to meet the case against which this measure was directed. At the same time, thinking it well, if it were possible, by making this offence a misdemeanor where the present law made it high treason, and thus mitigating the penalty, to render it more easy to thwart the enemy's measures-assuming that there might be some merit in the Bill-but, at any rate, feeling that it would be undesirable that their Lordships should throw it out when the other House had passed it for a limited but important object-feeling that it would do no harm, and might do some good-he trusted their Lordships would consent to the Motion of his noble Friend and pass the Bill. LORD REDESDALE said, that after the reasons stated by the noble Duke, he certainly did not mean to offer any opposition to this Bill. As regarded the Resolution, he thought it quite clear that any measure which the Lower House sent up, even at this late period of the Session, having relation to the position in which the country stood at present, involved in war with Russia, did constitute a case of urgency. There could be no doubt whatever that the Resolution would allow the Bill to be proceeded with. With respect to the general question of their Lordships' Resolution of May last, he was decidedly of opinion that it would operate beneficially, by affording more time for the consideration of legislative measures in that House, and that it would thus work favourably to the conservation of the privileges of the other House of Parliament, as well as of their Lordships. Resolution agreed to. RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES Order of the Day for the Second Reading read. EARL FORTESCUE moved the second reading of the Bill. The noble Earl said, that notwithstanding the statement of the noble Duke, that everything that could be done by the Government, under the existing law, had been done to prevent British subjects from dealing in the securities to which allusion had been made, he could not but think that, in the present state of affairs, this measure was necessary. It should be understood that the Bill did not at all extend the severity of the common law or the pains and penalties of high treason beyond their present limits, but to oppose the Bill, on the contrary he apsimply imposed the penalty of a misde- proved of it; and, he must say, he had meanor on all British subjects, at home or never heard the object of any Bill more abroad, who might knowingly or wilfully lucidly explained than had been done in trade in Russian securities during the con- the present case by his noble Friend. He tinuance of the war. There had been | could not help observing that the support three principal objections, somewhat con- given to the measure by the noble Duke tradictory of each other brought against (the Duke of Newcastle) on the part of the measure-first, that it would be in- the Government seemed to him but of a operative, inasmuch as it would be easily tepid, if not of a cold, description. He evaded; secondly, that it was unnecessary, apprehended that by the common law of inasmuch as no British subject would em- England any contract made between an bark in such dealings; thirdly, that it would English subject and an alien enemy during be a vexatious infringement of the freedom time of war was illegal, and, under cerof the subject in commercial and monetary tain circumstances, might amount to high affairs. To these he would reply-first, treason. He did not, however, think that that though hardly any Act could be so the common law by itself, and without the framed that the perverse ingenuity of some assistance of a statutable enactment, was rogue might not evade it, this Bill at least sufficient to secure the attainment of the made the law clear, and inflicted a penalty object now in view; because, by the law which could be easily enforced; secondly, as it stood now, there was no power by that, though the higher class of our money which it could be enforced, and therefore, dealers might scorn the dirty work, it was under certain circumstances, an English not clear that the gains of 2 or 3 per cent subject might deal in the scrip of a Rusmight not induce less reputable persons to sian loan with impunity. If, therefore, take an interest in a loan of this description they passed the Bill as it at present stood, if they could do so with impunity; and it would be almost entirely nugatory. He thirdly, that there was no just ground for apprehended that one of the great objects representing as oppressive to any one a sought by the measure was to prevent the simple measure of public security, taken negotiation of scrip by subjects of the at a moment when we were engaged in a realm of England in foreign parts; but as contest of the most formidable character, it stood at present it failed entirely in acto prevent the resources of our own country complishing that intention. He suggested, from being applied to the service of our therefore, that that defect should be reenemy in carrying on that contest. Another medied by the insertion of a clause to the objection which had been made was, that effect that any offence committed against the measure was not introduced or taken the Act beyond the limits of the United up, in the first instance, by Her Majesty's Kingdom might be inquired into, dealt Government. The noble Duke had stated with, and punished in the same manner as the reasons why the Government had not if it had been committed in the county of introduced some such Bill. But, although Middlesex. Such a clause would be effecthe Bill was brought forward by an inde- tive against the operations of British subpendent Member, it was generally ap-jects in scrip of this description in Gerproved of by the responsible Ministers of many, France, or any part of the world; the Crown in the other House; and hav- but, inasmuch as by the common law of ing been submitted to the law officers of the land indictable offences could only the Crown, who made such alterations as be dealt with through the medium of a they thought would confine its operation grand jury, which could have no cognistrictly to the objects which it was in-sance of an offence committed in a foreign tended to effect, it had been sanctioned by very large majorities of that House. He wished it had been intrusted here to some one better qualified than himself to do justice to its importance, but, having been requested to move it by those most inte ́rested in its success, he had felt it his duty to do so, and he hoped that their Lordships would give it their support. Moved, That the Bill be now read 2'. country, with certain exceptions, under particular Acts, in the cases of felony, such a provision was absolutely necessary to render the Bill in any degree useful. He trusted, therefore, such a provision would be added in Committee, and he should be happy to give his assistance in drawing it up. THE LORD CHANCELLOR said, no doubt his noble Friend who had charge of the Bill would be most happy to avail him self of the assistance of the noble and learned Lord in preparing such a clause, which, however, might be more conveniently added on the third reading. EARL FORTESCUE said, he felt fully the value of the suggestion urged by his noble and learned Friend (Lord Campbell), but he feared, considering the near approach of the prorogation of Parliament, that any alteration of the Bill would be fatal to its passing during the present Session. LORD CAMPBELL did not wish to throw the slightest obstacle in the way of the Bill passing; but he assured the House if it was adopted in its present state it would not be of the slightest value, and he therefore hoped that such a clause as he had suggested might be added, notwithstanding the late period of the Session. Treaties appointed last year. That Report was in many respects of an exceedingly gratifying character. Captain Seymour, of Her Majesty's ship Firefly, the last officer from the West Coast of Africa, had stated in his evidence that the slave trade had entirely ceased in many places where it had formerly flourished, and that in the years 1850-51, on the whole coast, not one vessel with slaves on board was captured; that a legitimate trade was springing up along the whole coast in the produce of the country; that he had lately counted at Benguela (formerly a noted slave park) as many as fourteen merchant vessels at one time, all engaged in legitimate commerce; and that, in fact, wherever the slave trade had ceased, commerce was commencing. The Committee said it had been stated to them that if the deTHE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE said, he mand for slaves at Cuba were to cease, thought his noble and learned Friend had the slave trade in Africa would also cease; amply justified him for the "tepid" sup- for it appeared that as soon as the market port which it was said he had given to the of the Brazils was closed, the slave trade measure; for he (Lord Campbell) had on the West Coast of Africa, south of the clearly proved that if it was passed in its line, was all but put an end to. Captain present form, it would be utterly and en- Seymour also said that if the market at tirely useless. He (the Duke of New-Cuba were abolished, very few British castle) was not willing to pass a measure which, in the opinion of so eminent a Judge, would be a dead letter, but would rather allow it to drop if it was to remain liable to such condemnation. What he should propose was, that they should now pass the second reading, negative the Committee, and fix the third reading for the following day; they could then add the clause suggested by his noble and learned Friend, to which there would still be time to obtain the assent of the House of Com ships of war would be required on the African coast, and those only for the protection of our commerce which was now becoming very large. Captain Cospatrick Baillie Hamilton, of Her Majesty's ship Vestal, likewise reported to the Committee the great publicity that existed as to the carrying on of the slave trade in the island of Cuba. He stated that slave vessels had been fitted out under the guns of Spanish ships of war; that great facilities were afforded to the importation of negroes, for when once a landing had been effected, they were considered as natives; and that steam vessels, employed in carrying the Government mails from port to port, had been used to land slaves. Mr. Craufurd, who had rendered many meritorious services in the suppression of the traffic, stated in a recent despatch, that in the last seven months there had been more activity shown in the slave trade than during any previous period since 1844. That Gentleman gave a list of 10,000 slaves that had been landed in Cuba in the last six months prior to the date of his letter. On this point the Report of the Committee contained the following important paragraph "Your Committee concur in the opinion of these naval officers, that the slave trade would and, therefore, consider the present time, when there are Spanish troops at every port and station soon be extinct if the Cuban market were closed; their power to manifest their good will for the suppression and final extinction of this iniquitous traffic. The great obstacle to the abolition of the Cuban slave trade, however, had been the venality of the Spanish officials; and it was not surprising that such should be the case, when it was borne in mind that even members of the royal family were mixed up in these disgraceful transactions. The Report further said "Other witnesses have stated to the Committee, that it was quite notorious at the Havanna that money was taken by the public officers of all ranks, from the Captain General downwards, for their connivance at the traffic in slaves; and further, that capital, notoriously belonging to Spaniards of great distinction at Madrid, was employed to carry on that traffic. That, in fact, the influence of these persons of rank and station at Madrid was believed to have been sufficiently powerful to procure the recal of an honest officer. That thus the Spanish Government have been induced to violate their treaties, and to suffer these persons to obtain large profits, by the conti nuance of that detestable traffic." On this particular point the Report made the following pertinent remarks "Your Committee are of opinion that history does not record a more decided breach of national honour, than the letter of the Earl of Aberdeen establishes against Spain. The efforts of Viscount Palmerston, in subsequent years, to induce the Spanish Government to fulfil their engagements, appear in every despatch of that noble Lord, and it would be superfluous to detail them." The House of Lords had also had a Com mittee on the slave trade. They reported that "In their judgment it was worthy of consideration whether the three great maritime powers, France, the United States, and Great Britain, could not, at the present time, be brought to combine in joint representations, and, if need be, active measures for obtaining from Spain and Brazil an actual suppression of this traffic." He (Mr. Hume) thought that as Queen Christina, who had been the chief abettor of the Cuban slave trade, had been happily expelled, a favourable opportunity now offered itself to Her Majesty's Government, in concert with the other powers, to press upon the new Government of Spain the necessity of fulfilling their engagements. He had intended to have moved an Address on the subject, but as the forms of the House would not now allow him to do so, he was perfectly satisfied to leave the matter in the hands of the Government, who had done everything, he believed, in LORD JOHN RUSSELL: Sir, in reference to the observations which have just fallen from my hon. Friend the Member for Montrose, I may state that it is no doubt a disgraceful proceeding that, after Great Britain, France, the United States, and all the maritime powers of Europe-that after the Empire of Brazil has rigorously prohibited the slave trade-the traffic in slaves should still be carried on in the island of Cuba under the protection of Spain. Some measures have, however, lately been taken upon the part of the Spanish Government, with reference to the question of the suppression of the slave trade, to which no allusion is made in the Report to which my hon. Friend has just called the attention of the House, and to those measures I shall now briefly refer. In the month of February, 1854, there was an order of a most stringent character issued, containing regulations according to which captured slaves recently brought into the island should be liberated. Now, this decree may seem to be one which is hardly in accordance with those just expectations with respect to the measures which ought to be resorted to for the suppression of the slave trade which the people of this country and of the civilised world entertain. Mr. Craufurd, however, to whom my hon. Friend has just adverted in terms of deserved praise, places faith in the sincerity It of the intentions with which that decree was framed, and describes its operation as being one of a beneficial character. has been acted upon on several occasions, and has been followed by the enactment of further regulations of a corresponding nature, which regulations, also, the executive authorities in Cuba have carried into effect. In the month of March last 600 newlyarrived slaves were captured by those authorities, and an order was subsequently issued to the effect that all persons holding civil authority in the island of Cuba who should fail to report the arrival of any fresh supplies of slaves should be dismissed from their offices, and should afterwards be subjected to further penalties. In the month of May last a further importation of 600 negroes were landed upon that island, and were placed upon a certain estate, where it was believed that they might remain undiscovered and in security. The Governor General, however, having ascertained the fact, appealed to the tribunal |