1 as leader of the ariny that was to conquer the former, and assure the eternal triumph of the latter. Like all great generals, he did his best for victory, and was not the least nice as to the means. He would be merciful when he could afford to be so. A good general guards himself, with all possible precaution, against the mistakes of his allies. He does not suffer them to direct any part of his forces, nor does he intermeddle with the movements or the discipline of their divisions. He estimates their probable value in the campaign, and according to that estimate he disposes of his own troops. But these forces must not be distracted, for on them first he calculates, whether for an assault or for a safe retreat. Ignatius did the like. And although his position at Rome placed him in communication with the Sovereign and the Princes, he steadily discouraged the Provincials from making themselves conspicuous at royal courts. The Spanish Provincial, for example, Araoz, incurred his grave disapprobation, for being frequently seen among the courtiers at Madrid. But the greatest cause of apprehension lay not here. He dreaded the effect of ecclesiastical honours on his brethren far more than the favour of Kings, and put forth his utmost energy to prevent the ingress of such a distracting influence among them as cupidity of Church preferments. And although he may not have avowed it, there was another and weighty reason that must have presented itself to his mind. The centre of the Order was in Rome. The members, everywhere else, were missionaries, or, in other words, they were soldiers on foreign service, and looked towards Rome, the seat of government, of authority, and of honour, as their head-quarters and their home. Whatever promoted foreign settlement also tended to weaken the attachment to the central power, and whenever a soldier settled abroad, he formed a new attachment that interfered with his allegiance to the Sovereign at home. To take charge of a parish, for example, would be to accept a new ecclesiastical superior, under obligations incompatible with obedience to the old one; but to become a bishop would be to renounce the vow of absolute obedience to the General, and transfer it to the Archbishop and the Pope, aud, worst of all, to contract cer tain ties of patriotism with another adopted country. Hence the mind of Ignatius was utterly repugnant to every proposal for calling a member of his Company to any preferment in the church. The Maffei relates, at great length,_an example of this repugnance. Bishop of Trieste had died, and that diocese was infested, as they said, with ravening wolves of heresy. Ferdinand, King of the Romans, anxious to fill the See with a man whose energy would be likely to subdue the rising spirit of Lutheranism, wrote to Lejay, then in Trent, on occasion of the Council, offer ing him the mitre. Lejay felt some difficulty in accepting so high a dignity and so large a revenue, for the bishopric was very lucrative, consistently with his vow of poverty, and in spite of the jealousy of his General, and therefore sent back a letter of refusal. But the King had set his heart upon Lejay, and instantly dispatched a courier to Rome, with one letter to the Pope, asking that, by an act of authority, he would require the priest to submit to the episcopal charge, and another to his Ambassador, instructing him to urge the prayer. A rumour of this correspondence reached Ignatius, who ran to the Apostolic palace without losing a moment, found easy access to his Holiness, represented the incompatibility of episcopal honours and revenues with the poverty and humility of a Jesuit, and implored him to refuse the application of King Ferdinand. The Pope smiled at the simplicity of Ignatius, and after long colloquy, en deavoured to change the conversation.. But the General was very sad, kept to the point, and would not leave the Papal presence until he thought he had made some slight impression. But the Pope was as unwilling to miss a suitable man as Ignatius was to lose him. From the Vatican he proceeded to visit all the Cardinals in Rome, trusting to vanquish the whole College in detail, and actually went to every Cardinalitian palace, on foot, traversing Rome day and night, in all directions, until he had recounted his objections to every eminence, and received from each one a sarcastic smile or an explicit refusal to let slip so effective a bishop as Lejay would surely make. And now the case of the Society grew desperate. For if the talents of its of the See of Rome, and making Abyssinia a Portuguese possession. And when that Sovereign quarrelled with the Supreme Pontiff, he charged himself with the office of mediator, and after much troublesome negotiation, had the satisfaction of seeing them reconciled to each other, and receiving the accession of power that such an achievement of high statesmanship could not but bring. members marked them out for ecclesiastical benefices, and if the whole Court of Rome pressed wealth and power upon them, one by one, the dispersion of the whole might follow. No vow could resist the dissolving power of the Pope, and if such brilliant bribes were held up before them, how many would be found capable of resisting the allurement? As a last resource, then, he ran to the Ambassador of his Majesty, and endeavoured to induce him to withdraw the suit made upon his master's application, until further orders, and so put off the appointment of Lejay, which would otherwise be made the very next day. But the Ambassador could not suffer an ecclesiastic to deter him from the execution of his master's orders, and stiffly refused to listen to any such request. Yet it is hard to conceive what could have exhausted the resources of a mind so fertile, or damped a spirit that was never known to flag. Ignatius bethought him of a fair penitent, whose confessions were statedly poured into his ear, and although ladies might not be safely received into the Society, the influence of a lady, in a case of extremity, was not to be despised. He obeyed the happy thought, and laid his case before Margaret, daughter of the Emperor of Germany, then at Rome. The lady could not possibly resist the desire of her confessor, and she therefore undertook, on her own single responsibility, to forbid the Ambassador to proceed in the application for the appointment of the presbyter, Lejay, to the see of Trieste. The Ambassador consented to suspend his action for a period specified; Ignatius wrote a letter to the King of the Romans, representing that the admission of mitres into the Society would endanger its existence, and offer ing him their best services and prayers if he would recal his application to the Pope. Ferdinand yielded, and the Society escaped a peril that, at that time, it had not strength enough to with--would receive with equal pleasure stand. Its founder, however, did not so absolutely reject honours as to lose any opportunity of using them to his own advantage. He consented, for example, that one of the Society should be made Patriarch of Abyssinia, when, in conjunction with the King of Portugal, he had concerted a scheme for subjecting that independent Church to the dominion And the ascendancy he had so long exerted over his followers, without having been foiled in any effort to enforce his authority, was now as absolute as if he were indeed "God's Vicar." A singular profession of obedience made by them in the year 1548, gave proof of this ascendancy. Colleges had been established in Portugal, and even in India, for general education, but, not as yet, in Italy. Now, however, two colleges were about to be opened, one in the neighbourhood of Rome, and the other in Sicily; both, of course, were to be supplied with masters, and success could only be attained by extreme diligence in the obscure labour of teaching children, not to speak of the menial servitude that must necessarily be borne by some. in order to the domestic order of those establishments under the superior guidance of others. To renounce popular applause, retire from the pulpit, cease to gain honour by waging controversy with unlearned heretics, and shrink at once into oblivion, would require in the few on whom that lot of servitude might fall, the highest degree of abnegation. To ascertain how far he might expect an unconditional obedience, Ignatius called together all the inmates of his house in Rome, about thirty-six in number, and put a written paper into the hand of each, containing certain questions, of which the substance was, whether each one of his children would willingly hold himself ready to be sent to Sicily, or to remain in Rome, receiving most gladly the commands most agreeable to his General, as God's Vicar? any charge, either for literary service or for manual labour?-would readily undertake to teach, so far as in him lay, what he had never learnt?-or, if not sent to teach, but learn, would he be content to learn anything whatever, even from any master?-and finally, would he also accept as most excellent, and most conducive to the Divine glory, the obligation to perform whatever might be re quired of him by his superior, and would he altogether bend his judgment and even his senses into subjection to the mind and sense of his superior? He gave them three days for consideration, and summoned them again into his presence. Never did men bow more lowly in the presence of their God than these thirty-six Fathers at the feet of their General. They came as bidden. Each one brought a written answer in his hand, subscribed with his name That of Ca nisius afterwards known as author of the famous "Catechism of Christian Doctrine" is a fair specimen of the whole. It runs thus: Having deliberated within myself on the questions which were put to me, in brief, by my reverend father in Christ and General, Master Ignatius, I answer, first, that, the Lord helping, I feel my self equally moved towards either part, whether he commands me to remain here at home, or to go to Sicily, India, or whithersoever he may send me. Then, if I am to go to Sicily, I simply profess that it will be to me most grateful to discharge whatever office or ministry may be there laid upon me, even that of cook, gardener, porter, auditor, for example, and of professor of any branch of learning, even if I be ignorant of the same. And from this very day, which is the fifth of February, I sacredly vow, without any hesitation, that henceforth I will care for nothing, as concerns myself, nor will I be ever seen to make any account of habitation, mission, or any sort of convenience for myself, all care and solicitude of that kind being left once and for ever to my father in Christ, the reverend General. To him, therefore, I fully submit everything, humbly offer, and confidently, commend, the government both of my soul and body, with my understanding and my will, in Jesus Christ our Lord, in the year 1548." It was well for Canisius that the reverend General did not so far take him at his word as to make him porter of the Sicilian College, but rewarded his meek submission by exalting him to places of trust and high repute. In the year following, the new Sicilian College was opened in Palermo, amidst great popular excitement. The most polished and the most vehement orators that the Society could boast, preached to high and low, in the pulpits of Messina and Palermo. The multitudes were exhorted to confess their sins, and to walk in processions; and that the fervid piety of those islanders might have some appreciable object, Ignatius sent them a precious gift. The donation consisted of two sculls-sculls left with their mortal spoils by two of the eleven thousand virgins of St. Ursula. They were inclosed in a richly-carved and ornamented coffer, and so profound was the sensation produced by their advent to the Trinacrian isle, that not a few of the populace felt their weary limbs nerved with new strength, and their invalid bodies warmed with returning health. In short, the sculls had miraculous virtue, and the Jesuits had gifts of healing. So nicely did Ignatius adapt his operations to the tastes, the prejudices, and the infirmities of those over whom it was his purpose to exert influence, whether Popes, or Cardinals, or kings, or beggars. Surely this was wisdom! Many pages might now be filled with anecdotes, illustrative of the personal character of this extraordinary man, and of the policy he pursued in rearing the fabric which his successors enlarged, but never substantially altered. But enough has been related to show what manner of mind his was, and while a tedious recital of his acts as founder of the Society of Jesus would add nothing of importance to this knowledge, a repetition of the marvels related by his eulogists might be mistaken in these days of better sense for an effort to cover his memory with ridicule. We care not to provoke incredulity by repeating, even as fables, tales which it is not possible to believe. Julius III entered on his Pontificate in the year 1550. When at the Council of Trent, in capacity of Legate, he had witnessed the zeal of Lefevre, Laynez, and Salmeron, on behalf of the Roman See, and now most readily acceded to an application of Ignatius to confirm the Order instituted by his predecessor, and confer on it some new privileges. And, this point being gained, the founder might well have thought himself in possession of the utmost success that ambition could desire; but perhaps considering that although he had received a double sanction he could only boast of one election, and that many professed members of the Company had not given him their suffrages, except insomuch as a vow of obedience might be equivalent with a vote of election, and furthermore M desiring that the original form of discipline, framed in the infancy of the Institution, should be revised and brought nearer to his idea of perfection, he took a step that conducted him into a second election, while yet he seemed to offer that election to another. The Fathers that were in Rome, or near enough to assemble there without much inconvenience, were surprised by receiving a summons to present themselves at a time appointed, together with a long paper from the General, setting forth reasons why he should abdicate his office, and call on them to confer it on another. He declared that, through age and infirmity he was no longer able to fulfil the duties incumbent on him, descanted on the obligations of holy humility, and concluded by a pure and simple deposition of the office. But they did not perceive any correspondent indication of infirmity, nor had his powers of government failed for an instant. At the same time, however, he suffered a loophole to remain through which to return if they did not require him to retire. An answer to that paper was written deliberately, at his request, and dissuaded him from persistance in any such a purpose. The Fathers came to Rome, unanimously refused to let him resign his office, and after much protesting on both sides, he consented to take a few days for deliberation. Before the expiration of the time, a deputation came to him with a plain refusal to submit to any other master, and thus, as the Pope had confirmed the sanction of the Society, so did they confirm the election of the General. During five years from this time, under favour of the two Popes, Julius III. and, for the few days of his reign, Marcellus II., he gave his chief attention to the consolidation of the Society and the perfection of its constitutions. But the accession of Paul IV. to the Popedom, brought with it an interruption of tranquillity by the outbreak of war between himself and Philip II. of Spain. The war, if so much it might be called, lasted a very short time, but the troops of the Duke of Alva attacked Rome, and Ignatius, feeling himself really overtaken by infirmity, and unable to cope with the perils and exigencies of the time, and having now no more to do for the Society, left the city, and retired to a villa that had lately been erected for the use of the Jesuit Roman College, intending to surrender himself to undisturbed study. The house, as it would appear, was not yet in a fit state for occupation, and its dampness, even in the heat of summer, was more than his enfeebled constitution could bear. Without any symptom of acute disease, his strength at once began to fail. Slow fever and a dailyincreasing langour occasioned concern among those around him, rather than alarm. Physicians were called in, but they pronounced that there was no danger, and prescribed little more than repose and care. Still sinking lower under a weight of lassitude he became unable to quit his chamber, but on July 30th, 1556, there transacted some business of the Society, dismissed his attendants, and fell asleep. Next morning, on entering the chamber early as usual, they found him almost lifeless; no cordial could revive expiring animation, and soon after sunrise he was no more. Thus unexpectedly did this laborious, man, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, drop into the grave. Laynez was elected second General of the Society of Jesus, and found it occupying twelve provinces, with about a hundred houses. The genius of Ignatius lives to this day in a vastly-expanded institution, but the policy of Jesuitism is not to be traced to him so certainly as to his successors. He carried, it is true, the dominion over intellect and conscience to an excessive length, but probably did not foresee what is to ourselves most palpable, that the despotism he established in that infant company would be used for evil by far worse men than himself. 163 ANDRE MARIE AMPERE. THERE are few characters in the whole range of contemporary French history upon which the mind can dwell with unmixed satisfaction; how many "great men have disgraced themselves by the meanest actions! how many heroes to whom a prominent place is now assigned in the temple of glory would lose all their prestige if closely scanned! Especially amongst the scientific men who contributed so much to the imperishable lustre of the Napoleonic era, are we astonished to find the most painful contrasts. Laplace, Lagrange, Monge, and Cuvier had genius of the highest order, but that is just the reason why they should have disdained the spurious dignity conferred by embroidered dresscoats, knee-breeches, and patents of nobility. Their master, however, the conqueror of Italy himself, had set them the example; "il aspire à de scendre," said the sarcastic Paul Louis Courier when he heard that the first Consul was preparing to don the Imperial mantle. From such strange inconsistencies we turn with unfeigned pleasure to the study of a genuine man-a man in whom transcendant superiority of intellect was combined with simplicity of heart and a firm belief in religious truth. ANDRÉ MARIE AMPERE, born at Polémieux, near Lyons, January 20, 1775, manifested at a very early age his disposition for mathematical investigations; he was brought up under his father's superintendence, and the manner in which he went through his elementary course of studies does the greatest credit to the distinguished person on whose name he was destined in after years to shed so much lustre. These were troublous times: the French Revolution had called to arms the whole of Europe, and whilst the strains of La Marseillaise excited against the bayonets of the coalition bands of republican patriots whom liberty had metamorphosed into soldiers, the more unfortunate citizens detained at home by their duties or position were falling victims to the tyranny of Robespierre, in the plus quam civilia bella of '92 and '93. During the memorable siege of Lyons, M. Ampère, senior, nobly stood to his post as a magistrate in that devoted city, although he knew full well his fate if the troops of the Convention obtained the victory. He was in the end summoned before the revolutionary tribunal; and, condemned to death for not resigning his duties, he mounted the guillotine with the calm of a man whose conscience is at rest. The day preceding his execution he had written to his wife a letter, from which we give the following characteristic extract: "I have received, my dearest love, your consoling note. It has acted like a soothing medicine to allay the pain which I feel. My fellowcitizens misjudge me; through the most cruel separation they cut me asunder from a country to which I am so fondly attached, and whose happiness has always been the earnest desire of my heart. I hope that my death may be the seal of a general reconciliation between all my brethren. I forgive most cordially those who have wished, suggested, or commanded the shedding of my blood. I venture to hope that the vengeance of the nation, whose innocent victim I am, will not extend itself to our small property, which was amply sufficient for all our wants-→→ thanks to your wise economy. Next to my trust in the Almighty, in whose bosom I hope soon to rest, my sweetest consolation is that you will cherish my memory as much as you yourself have been dear to me. owe me this return of affection. If, from the depths of eternity, where our dear little girl has preceded us, I may be allowed to take an interest in earthly matters, you will be, as well as my dear children, the object of my care. May they enjoy a better fate than their father! May they ever walk in the fear of God-that fear which, notwithstanding the frailty of our nature, worketh in us innocence and righteous ness! Joséphine the mother You Do not mention to my trial which awaits her let her be, if you can, ignorant of it. A for my son, there is nothing which I do not expect from him." This is a beautiful parting charge, and a document which a family may with feelings of legitimate pride, exhibit in its archives. We fancy that young André Marie must have felt both humbled in |