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it is because I am unable to see at once all that is around me, that I am allowed thus to select and separate the objects of my predilection from among so many others. Such is not the case with that Almighty and Eternal Being, whose gaze necessarily includes the whole of created things, and who surveys distinctly, though at once, mankind and man.

We may naturally believe that it is not the singular prosperity of the few, but the greater well-being of all, which is most pleasing in the sight of the Creator and Preserver of men. What appears to me to be man's decline, is to His eye advancement; what afflicts me is acceptable to Him. A state of equality is perhaps less elevated, but it is more just; and its justice constitutes its greatness and its beauty. I would strive then to raise myself to this point of the Divine contemplation, and thence to view and to judge the concerns of men.

No man, upon the earth, can as yet affirm absolutely and gen erally, that the new state of the world is better than its former one; but it is already easy to perceive that this state is different. Some vices and some virtues were so inherent in the constitution of an aristocratic nation, and are so opposite to the character of a modern people, that they can never be infused into it; some good tendencies and some bad propensities which were unknown to the former, are natural to the latter; some ideas suggest themselves spontaneously to the imagination of the one, which are utterly repugnant to the mind of the other. They are like two distinct orders of human beings, each of which has its own merits and defects, its own advantages and its own evils. Care must therefore be taken not to judge the state of society, which is now coming into existence, by notions derived from a state of society which no longer exists; for as these states of society are exceedingly different in their structure, they cannot be submitted to a just or fair comparison.

It would be scarcely more reasonable to require of our own contemporaries the peculiar virtues which originated in the social condition of their forefathers, since that social condition is itself fallen, and has drawn into one promiscuous ruin the good and evil which belonged to it.

But as yet these things are imperfectly understood. I find that a great number of my contemporaries undertake to make a certain selection from among the institutions, the opinions, and the ideas

which originated in the aristocratic constitution of society as it was: a portion of these elements they would willingly relinquish, but they would keep the remainder and transplant them into their new world. I apprehend that such men are wasting their time and their strength in virtuous but unprofitable efforts.

The object is not to retain the peculiar advantages which the inequality of conditions bestows upon mankind, but to secure the new benefits which equality may supply. We have not to seek to make ourselves like our progenitors, but to strive to work out that species of greatness and happiness which is our own.

For myself, who now look back from this extreme limit of my task, and discover from afar, but at once, the various objects which have attracted my more attentive investigation upon my way, I am full of apprehensions and of hopes. I perceive mighty dangers which it is possible to ward off-mighty evils which may be avoided or alleviated; and I cling with a firmer hold to the belief, that for democratic nations to be virtuous and prosperous they require but to will it.

I am aware that many of my contemporaries maintain that nations are never their own masters here below, and that they necessarily obey some insurmountable and unintelligent power, arising from anterior events, from their race, or from the soil and climate of their country. Such principles are false and cowardly; such principles can never produce aught but feeble men and pusillanimous nations. Providence has not created mankind entirely independent or entirely free. It is true that around every man a fatal circle is traced, beyond which he cannot pass; but within the wide verge of that circle he is powerful and free: as it is with man, so with communities. The nations of our time cannot prevent the conditions of men from becoming equal: but it depends upon themselves whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or freedom, to knowledge or barbarism, to prosperity or to wretchedness

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INDEX.

A.

ABORIGINES, the of America, tradi-
tionary accounts of, i. 24.
Abstract expressions, preference for,
in democratic nations, ii. 72. Il-
lustrations of this, ii. 73.
Activity, the, of the American peo-
ple, ii. 150.

Administration of government in

America, its operations unperceiv-
ed by travellers, i. 72. Form of
the, in the United States, its con-
nexion with the press, ii. 120. Of
the United States, general remarks
upon, i. 81. Instability of, i. 228.
Prejudicial to the art of govern-
ment, i. 229. Increased mutability
of the laws of, caused by the year-
ly change of the legislature, and
by investing it with unbounded
authority, i. 278. Other effects
produced, i. 279. Of the several
states of the Union, difference of,
i. 82.

Ambition for wealth, the passion
common to all classes, ii. 137. In

the United States, a universal sen-
timent, ii. 258. Causes which
restrict its influence, ii. 258. In
a democratic community when di-
vested of aristocratic influences, ii.
259. Political, its violent charac-
ter in the United States, ii. 262.
The danger of repressing its influ-
ence, ii. 263.

America, North, its external form and

divisions, i. 17. Physical features
of its range of mountains, &c., i.
18. Its gloomy and steril aspect
to the first settlers, i. 21. South,
political impressions of Europeans
on their first landing upon, i. 20.
American Indians, their probable ori-
gin, i. 22. Their peculiar charac
teristics, i. 22. Peculiarities of
their language and its dialects, i.
22. Their habits and characteris-
tics in peace and war, i. 23. Their
religious belief, &c., i. 24.
American literature, its characteris
tics and future prospects, ii. 58.
American women, the intellectual
superiority of, ii. 225.

-

American Union, its apparent r -emblance to all other confederations and its different effects, i. 16. Americans, their disbelief in the supernatural, ii. 2. The peculiarities of their condition, ii. 36. The advantages they derive from England, ii. 36. Their preference for practical rather than speculative pursuits, ii. 37. Their commercial habits, ii. 37. Influence of religion upon, ii. 37. Why they are more addicted to practical than to theoretical science, ii. 41. Their inventive power and ingenuity, ii. 42. Actuated by the principle of interest, ii. 130. Their fondness for animal excitement, ii. 167. Utilitarianism of, ii. 221. Seriousness of the effect of their institutions, ii. 234. Their cautiousness, and the causes which induce it, ii. 235. Hurry and impetuosity of, ii. 237. Curiosity of the, great, ii. 237. Their excessive vanity, ii. 238. Their captiousness, ii. 238. Their other peculiar characteristics, ii. 251. Commercial enterprise of, ii. 252. Amusements, the public, among ancient democracies, ii. 235. Anarchy sometimes to be feared from

free institutions, ii. 306. Anglo-Americans, their origin, its importance in relation to their future condition, i. 26. Their diversity of character and disposition, i. 28. Their social condition, &c., i. 47. Aristocratic laws introduced in the south by the, i. 49.

Anomalies, the, which the laws and customs of the Anglo-Americans present, i. 44. Reasons for this, i. 44.

Anti-social propensities of the English, ii. 179.

Apathy, when general among a people, a tendency to despotism, ii. 341. Archimedes, his lofty spirit, &c., ii. 45.

Aristocratic nations, members of, their dependance upon one another, ii. 94. The opposite tendency in a democracy, ii. 94. Institutions, remains of, in the midst of a complete democracy, i. 44. Aristocracy, created by manufactures

and business, ii. 171. Its origin, characteristics, and consequences, in a democracy, ii. 172. Its privileges, real or assumed, ii. 178. Its influence on the sexes, ii. 218. Armies, American, their restless spirit, an inherent evil of their constitution, ii. 285. Large, dangerous to a republic, ii. 286. Democratic, their weakness at the outset of a campaign, and strength in a protracted war, ii. 291. Causes of this, ii. 291. Armies, democratic, their desire for

war, ii. 280. Standing, the necessity of in a republic, ii. 280. In aristocratic and democratic countries contrasted, ii. 281. Opposing tendencies of, and the dangers to which it exposes, ii. 283. character and habits, ii. 283. Art. 75, of the year viii., not under

Its

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