tainable by a four years residence at one of the colleges. Of these, the whole number in 1829 was 43 averaging twenty three graduates each, or 989 in the whole, yearly.* The expense of an education at one of these institutions is from one to two thousand dollars, and within the means of a great portion of the citizens. Their object is to qualify the student for professional business. The colleges are but partially endowed, and their funds are inadequate to render a public education what it ought to be. For the perfection of any art, a division of labor is necessary; and in none more so than that of instruction. To render a college institution useful and respectable, a number of pofessors in the various branches of literature are necessary, as is also an extensive library, museum, and laboratory, which require funds much beyond what is proper to be demanded of the students, and render public patronage essential to the beneficial purposes of educution. Where there are rival institutions in the same state, this patronage is divided, and lẹgislative bounty bestowed in so sparing a manner, as in some measure to defeat the object. Two causes have operated to produce a multiplication of colleges. Each state is ambitious of having at least one, and each religious denomination is anxious to have as many as may be, under its peculiar control. Though institutions for mere literary purposes ought not to partake of a sectarian character, yet with the freedom of opinion, and zeal for proselytism existing in the United States, this disposition will always be found, and will have the effect to multiply colleges.

Motives to exertion. After all the disadvantages under which the American system labors, for high literary attainments, the genius and talents of the country have appeared in a manner that will bear a comparison with those of older nations. Many considerations may be put in the opposite scale. The facility with which a public education is acquired has called forth talents of the first order, which otherwise would have been unnoticed, in the walks of private life. In a country where there is no distinction of orders, and where every one must rise by his own merits, the motives to exertion are all powerful. The field, likewise, is extensive and varied. First, in the primary assemblies of the people, where subjects of deep interest to these commu

* Missionary Herald, July, 1829.

Diplomacy. In diplomacy, it might be expected, that a knowledge of the arts and intrigues of foreign courts, and of the means by which negotiations are effected, which European ministers are enabled to bring into the field, would be an over-match for the simplicity of republicanism. In these contests, more than in any other, the genius and talents of the country are displayed. The secretaries who have the direction of foreign affairs, and the ministers selected to conduct negotiations, under their orders, are usually designated by the executive, upon the principle of calling into action the best talents of the nation. From the days of Franklin's first appearance at the court of France, in Quaker style, with a cargo of tobacco for an outfit, to the present period, America has nothing to be ashamed of, in the management of her diplomatic concerns. Her ministers, though met by the most astute negotiators in Europe, have maintained a high standing. The European war, commencing nearly at the same time with the government under the constitution, gave rise to many interesting questions of national law. A succession of negotiators, on the part of the United States, have defended their rights with distinguished ability. In the diplomatic controversy with Great Britain, which terminated in the late war, the American state papers evidently bear marks of superior talent. A dispute of twenty years length, with Spain, was managed by a succession of diplomatists, able, at every point, to meet their opponents. The clearness and energy with which the existing claims against France have been enforced and reiterated by Mr. Gallatin, though without success, have done high honor to the country. Though the negotiator was not a native citizen, his talents are none the less the property of the nation who has adopted him. On a fair comparison, the state papers which have emanated from the various negotiations in which the United States have been engaged, will give the palm to their ministers.

THE END.