FLOWERS AND FRUIT. By James Elm-lie Duncan.- | and farther develops the grand remedial theme, which A small collection of essays, sketches, and verses; with, we formerly described. however incongruous it may seem, a pleading for the general adoption of vegetable diet.

HINTS TO REPEALERS. By William Johnson Campbell.-There is nothing worthy of much attention in this pamphlet. Its author's system seems neither adapted to soothe nor to cure.

REMARKS ON PAUPERISM, ITS Prevention and Relief. By John Taylor, A.M. Edinburgh: Maclachlan & Stewart. A series of dissertations on subjects connected with public economy and morals, written in a philosophical spirit.

A PEOPLE'S EDITION OF DR. ANDREW COMBE'S PRIN

CIPLES OF PHYSIOLOGY, APPLIED TO THE PRESERVATION OF

Health; being the TWELFTH.-No better addition has

been made to the "FOLKS' Books" than Dr. Combe's

contribution. It has, besides the great reduction in price, been revised, added to, and improved throughout. SEQUEL TO THE REAL MONSTER EVIL OF IRELAND.-In this sequel Mr. Stapleton goes over his former ground,

A SERIES OF COMPOSITIONS FROM THE LITURGY. By John Bell, Sculptor. No. I.-The artist has commenced with compositions illustrative of the Lord's Prayer. The drawings, which are merely outlines, are free, flowing, and expressive: we need not say that they are all of the figure of groups in attitudes of devotion.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL PEACE CONVENTION, HELD IN LONDON, IN JUNE 1843. London: Peace Society's Office.

A TREATISE ON PHOTOGRAPHY, CONTAINING THE LAST Discoveries, &c., &c. By N. P. Lerebours, Optician to Longman & Co.-This work will be peculiarly interestthe Observatory, Paris. Translated by J. Egerton. ing, both to scientific men, and to those ingenious persons and they are a numerous class-who, from curiosity, The French are still keeping before us in these processes; are tempted to try experiments in this beautiful art. and the work of Lerebours, which is compiled from the communications of Daguerre, Claudet, Arago, &c., &c., describes the latest improvements and suggestions.

POSTSCRIPT POLITICAL.

In the modern Politician's Calendar, the month of December might aptly enough be termed the Guessing Month. It is then, and up to the meeting of Parliament, that all sorts of rumours and conjectures are set afloat; that feelers are thrown out by party organs, and tubs are launched to amuse the whale; while every new day demolishes the lie of yesterday, and spreads its more novel fabrication. According to one late rumour, the Whigs and Tories are to coalesce; in order, we presume, that a strong government may show a bold face to the country and the Anti-Corn-Law League, and save as much of the wreck of " Landlords' Protection as is now possible. Other reports make the Whigs and Radicals fraternize, but forget to say for what purpose. Certainly not to carry a fixed duty on imported corn, and make a final stand upon the grand Russell principle of Finality. Reports, quite as extravagant, hint at Sir Robert Peel being about to become a Total Repealer! In the midst of these contradictory rumours, whether circulated by the quidnuncs of the Clubs, or by Editors at their wit's end for a new idea, and fond of being imagined in the secrets of the Government or the Opposition, we may mention a fresh report that has more of novelty to recommend it, with quite as much probability as any of those which have enlightened or amused the public during the currency of the Guessing Month. It is whispered in "high circles," that it is understood to be the intention of "a great personage," on the first hitch, which cannot be very far distant, to send for Earl Spencer, who lately made so emphatic a declaration for Free Trade, and against fixed duties, sliding-scales, and all the other apparatus of monopoly. We do not see that the love of retirement, or any consideration of self, could absolve Earl Spencer from obeying the commands of his Sovereign in the contemplated emergency. He will, no doubt, receive ample powers to form a broad-based and really Liberal Administration; fitted to meet the exigencies of the times, and calculated by ability, integrity, and moral influence, to gain the support and win the confidence of every class of citizens. It is, however, believed that Earl Spencer will on no consideration accept of office. But is this a conjuncture in which a good man, with the power to serve his country, can conscientiously decline the responsibilities of place, on the mere plea of disinclination? Or if determined against place, then the new and anomalous office of Director-General of the Cabinet, and umpire of public affairs, held at present by the Duke of Wellington, may be vacant; and it cannot be more unconstitutional when held by a peaceful, sagacions, and Free-Trade Earl, than by a warlike and Conservative Duke. If ever there was a time when, leaving factious motives and party interests to those that like them and thrive by them, enlightened and unanimous councils and energetic measures were required, it is now; and from what party Administration, whether represented by Sir Robert Peel or by Lord John Russell, can the nation rationally hope for what it urgently requires ?

These rumours and speculations may seem idle enough, and perhaps they are so; but not so the pertinent question, That if Sir Robert Peel be not the man who is either to work out the salvation of the commonwealth, or even to lend a helping-hand in finishing what the League have all but accomplished without, or in spite of Whig or Tory help or opposition, who, then, is that man? Where are we to look for him? And if none such be found in the Whig or Tory ranks, the next question is-Does the country possess none of the desired material? Is there not intelligence and virtue sufficient in its own bosom to guide its councils and to save itself? In the heart of the people of America and of France, the rulers of France and America are looked for, and found. So, we F

VOL. XI.-NO, CXXI,

presume, it is expected to be in Ireland, should that country ever become an independent kingdom. England alone, though nearly all its science, knowledge, business talent, and enterprise, are to be found among its middle-classes, must be governed exclusively by its aristocracy; by Whig and Tory alternately, as of hereditary right! When the Queen shall verify the above rumour (for which we do not vouch) by sending for Earl Spencer to aid her with his advice as to how a new government may best be framed, we anticipate that "Honest Lord Althorpe" will act upon the simple and true principle of, in every case, recommending the man best adapted for the office; that he will-to illustrate our opinion-point out Mr. Rowland Hill for Post-Master-General, as infinitely the best choice that could be made; and Mr. Macgregor, Mr. Cobden, or Mr. Grote, for the Board of Trade. Either Mr. Joseph Hume or a reformed Sir Robert Peel might make a very fair Chancellor of the Exchequer. We are not so sure of Joseph Sturge, a man of peace, succeeding Lord Palmerston and Aberdeen as Foreign Secretary; but are next to certain, that Lord Dunfermline would be pointed out as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. We, however, merely enunciate the principle on which the new Ministry might be formed, and do not pretend to enter into details. Nor do we give currency to these rumours merely to raise a foolish laugh; but in the sober assurance, that official appointments must be made on this principle, before there can be either peace in Ireland, or prosperity in England.

At the feet of a very different sort of Gamaliel from Lord Spencer, the young Queen is said to have been indoctrinated in the principles of the British Constitution; but now it is desirable, that from such men as his Lordship she should learn somewhat more than she can yet know, of the condition and the wants of the British people; and that their influence were felt in her Councils, although their presence might not be visible there. It is quite true, that no monarch, no government, can, all at once, make a whole people wise, good, and happy; but every government has the power to remove those impediments which render it impossible for a large proportion of the people to emancipate themselves from the thraldom of ignorance, poverty, and vice. And the first and great preparatory step, in the case of our own country, is doing the people the bare justice to unfetter their industry, and lighten their burdens; or in plain words, which are best,-to prevent the landlords' and monopolists' grasp from longer reaching their pockets and their bread-baskets.

In speculating upon changes in the Administration, or of Lord John Russell taking, for a time, the place of Sir Robert Peel, no one appears to get farther than the hackneyed idea, that, as a matter of course, the Whigs must come in; because Sir Robert Peel has lost the confidence of the middle-classes, and is distrusted and deserted by the High Tories. No one seems to believe the Premier possessed of that moral courage, of that confidence in himself, and that strength of purpose which, by arousing the enthusiasm of the country, might make the day of his apparent defeat the birth-hour of his ultimate triumph. And yet so timid is dishonesty, that some of the Whigs seem in trepidation lest the manoeuvring Sir Robert should once more forestall them, by all at once giving effect to his "abstract principles." However this may be, Sir Robert will assuredly not stoop to pick up the abortive Whig "fixed duty." That is now repudiated by everybody but Whigs. They need not be alarmed for Sir Robert's manoeuvres here.

In the possible or probable accession of the Whigs to office, upon the certainly not-improbable downfal of Peel -too wise and conscientious to be a mere Tory tool, and, perhaps, too prejudiced and timid to become a Liberal even on merely fiscal questions-we do not see, as many seem to do, a merely simple and natural sequence of events; but, on the contrary, one to be jealously watched and strictly scrutinized. With what new

claim do the Whigs propose themselves for office? Have they changed either their faith or practice since 1841 Were they not less Reformers in that year than in 1836? Then we had a section of them, headed by Lord Durham, patronizing, at the least, Household Suffrage, or a Five-Pound Qualification. Since that period, every recurring election has more forcibly demonstrated the defects of the Reform Bill; originally a very imperfect machine, and one requiring constant cobbling in all its parts. But the more of feebleness and inaptitude that was discovered in its rickety frame, the more dear has it become to its doating parent, Lord John Russell. In the meanwhile the Whigs have retrograded so far, that Lord Durham's plan is wholly forgotten; and now we have only Chartists, Complete-Suffrage Liberals, (both Total Repealers,) and Finality Whigs with the party badge of a fixed duty. Now, we ask, Could the accession of this last party to power do anything but damage the cause of Free Trade, and of farther Reform in the Representation? Should the Whigs be suffered to shuffle into place, in virtue of party prestige, the same men that they went out, followed by the regret of no man save their own host of retainers and expectants? If Sir Robert Peel will do nothing, while he in effect confesses that he knows much is wanted which he is in theory inclined to approve, let him depart! But what is Lord John Russell to do? What great measure does he propose, and what are his powers to carry it? Any truly great measure which an honest and able government might bring forward, would, in fact, carry itself in its own strength. But dare we look for such a measure from the Whigs? Although we would purchase even the temporary tranquillity of Ireland at almost any price, we would not, though the Whigs could ensure us this-which they cannot-see them glide back into office, taking advantage of a distressing emergency, but unpledged to any one good measure. Ireland, Earl Spencer may safely tell her Majesty, is not only the "chief difficulty" of Sir Robert Peel, but must long remain the chief difficulty of every British cabinet; Radical—if such should occur—as well as Whig or Tory. The Abolition of the Corn Laws no longer, comparatively, presents any great difficulty. Abolish them at once, and the good will soon become apparent; and things adjust themselves in the natural order. An Extension of the Suffrage presents no great difficulty. Carry the measure, and you remove a fruitful and interminable cause of discontent, and ensure a future good. But the strangely-complicated and inveterate

disease, which has eaten into the heart's core of Ireland, has had manifold causes, and will submit to no simple. or short process of cure, whoever be the State doctors. And let us not forget, that every argument for a government of Whigs-whom O'Connell very sincerely despises ought to be tenfold more strong for a government of Liberals; of Radicals, with whom the Irish leaders affect to sympathize, and upon whom they could rely for something better than Coercion Bills, and an Army of Occupation. But Earl Spencer and Lord Dunfermline will be sent for. This ought to be no joke; and Mr. Grote, and Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Rowland Hill will follow. If the Whigs retrograded from 1834, until they took post on Finality, and only crept on, when driven to a fixed duty, the country has advanced by great strides, both on the question of Free Trade and Extension of the Suffrage; and it now demands,-What token has Lord John Russell given-we take him as the representative of his party—that he is less wedded to his idols, landlords' protection and aristocratic influence in Parliament, than before! He had the honesty, whatever may be thought of the modesty, to confess that his Reform Bill was contrived to increase the influence of the lords of the soil in the House of the People; which, industry, and the extension and wealth of the commercial and manufacturing interests, were gradually undermining.

From the Whigs, were their reappearance likely, we are entitled to something more than the Total Repeal of the Corn Laws, which they seem so reluctant to concede, or than the old soothing-system, the dosing with opiates—if not Coercion Bills, for Ireland. We shall not now be greatly overburdened with gratitude to any party in power that may concede the Total Repeal of the Corn Laws. The League, backed by the intelligence, and may we not now say the enthusiasm of the electoral body and the people, have virtually carried that already. The farmers, the first to suffer and the last to be convinced, are awakening at last from a long dream of delusion. Now we should grieve to see the harvest, sown in care and pain by Cobden and Bright, and their associates, reaped by any other than the legitimate inheritors—the People; or its seeds producing nothing better than office to a Party. The bringing down the Dagon of Monopoly is the earnest of farther advantages, which ought to be strenuously followed up; and we must not be juggled out of them by party fallacies. These, Lord Spencer is neither apt to be deluded by, nor to employ. He is a clear-headed, sagacious, moderate Liberal, who never pretended to be that suspicious character, a democratic born-aristocrat. He saw through, and pointed out, the practical dangers of the Chandos Clause, when true Reformers were deceived by it; and he better understands the principles of social progression than now to declare himself a Finalist. But, laying aside Lord Spencer, who is, no doubt, for himself much more happily occupied in private, than he could be in public life, there can be no necessity for submitting to a Government of either incapable or unwilling Whigs, or of Tories in the same predicament. Seven or eight years since, it was a favourite speculation with Liberals, to construct, upon paper, a Radical Cabinet. If Radical zeal has in some quarters waxed cold since that period, the materials of an efficient Liberal or Radical Government are not less plentiful than then. It would not be difficult to nominate for every place in the Cabinet twice over; and challenge Europe to answer if our men are not, save in the accident of birth and family connexion, by their knowledge, activity, honesty of purpose, breadth of statesman-like views, and practical business talents, better qualified to perform the functions of Government, than any administration of which we have had experience. Ay; but they would not possess the confidence of the country. Now, the confidence of the country they would possess; though they might lack the favour, and endure the bitter hostility of the aristocracy. To come to a more specific point: there appears, we have said, to be a dread, in some quarters, that Sir Robert Peel may adopt the Whig fixed duty of eight shillings a-quarter, or perhaps cut below the Whigs, down to five or six shillings. He surely cannot be so simple. He will not abandon his favourite sliding-scale, which has, in fact, abandoned him,-merely to replace it by a stale Whig measure, to which no man in his senses will longer listen. What, coupled as it was with other measures having a right tendency, might, in 1841, have been acquiesced in for a time, it would be weakness to receive now. If Sir Robert Peel wishes to forestall the Whigs, it can only be by total abolition.

Whatever becomes of his Tories, the majority of the electoral body will support any Minister who, nailing his colours to the mast, declares for Total Repeal. Less will satisfy no member of the League. That Association has not, we would hope, in the opinion of the nation, performed its work so badly, that it must all be done over again at some future period, in order to get rid of the fermentive dregs of the iniquitous impost, the eight or five shilling duty. If the principle of a tax on the people's food, for the protection, as it is called, of the landowners, be recognised, and retained in any shape, what shall prevent its increase? We have had half-adozen changes of sliding-scales and corn-laws within the last thirty years; and what is to give security against other changes and increase in the amount of duty? What shall prevent what is eight shillings this year from becoming sixteen shillings in another, or twenty-four shillings in a third? Besides, the effects of Free Trade can never have scope for development while any vestige of duty or restriction remains. The League have not surely, as we said, done their work in so loose or slovenly a way, that it may be all to do over again in another generation. We are not afraid of this; but then the next settlement must be final. If Sir Robert Peel has courage to be the minister that will manfully propose the only admissible terms of final settlement, there is, we believe, a spirit in the country that will bear him out. But he has not. It is mere folly to look for it. Will Lord John Russell then, some time between this and next Easter, looking to the triumphant progression of the League-to its geometrical progression-screw his courage to the proper pitch; declare, like Earl Spencer, for Total Repeal of the Corn Laws, and also for the abandonment of the Income Tax; and, instead of Finality, take up the Suffrage where Lord Durham left it in the lurch eight years since? This is surely not much. This is not asking anything either impracticable or visionary; but it is moving onward-and that mere Whigs never will do. Sir Robert Peel has of late been fully more liberal-so far as a flourish of fair

words at agricultural meetings goes-than, for example, Mr. Labouchere. Both gentlemen tell the farmers in substance, that since landlords cannot hope much longer to squeeze rack-rents out of the people, (the agriculturists included,) the farmers must contrive to squeeze them out of the soil; for "rents must be maintained.”

We have no spirits at this time to speak of Ireland. We anticipate a protracted and irritating Trial; and, if the government has the rare good fortune to obtain a verdict, a grand stroke of graciousness and magnanimity, in the pardon of at least the principal culprit, (if he should ever be even sentenced:) and then England and Ireland will stand on no better terms than before !

THE LATE MR. SCOTT OF MONKLAW.

A gentleman of Roxburghshire, who gives us his name, and who is one of the grandsons of the late Mr. Thomas Scott, Monklaw, the uncle of Sir Walter Scott, complains of an anecdote related in Mr. Morrison's Reminiscences of Scott, as disparaging to the memory of his ancestor. As he does not, however, seem to question that Sir Walter told the story exactly as it is related in the Magazine, we cannot see that there is much ground of complaint. The joke is, we believe, a common one to Fife, Orkney, and perhaps other places-of some ingenious and musical Laird beguiling the time by the invention, now of cat, now of pig Harmonicons; for we have heard of both instruments. The Orkney one, we think it was, that began with the bass gruut or trombone of the old boar; and, of course ascended to the childish treble of the last littered pig. Sundhope, about which the complainant seems at a loss, is the name of a sheep-farm in Yarrow, and of other places; but were we to shift the scene from Monklaw to Sundhope, we might have another grave complaint lodged against injustice to some Sundhope's memory.—Nobody can have known much of Sir Walter Scott, who is not well aware, that he never suffered a good story to lose in the telling, and that he rarely gave the tame literal edition of a joke.

As to the story of "Halter for halter," we have no doubt that Monklaw was himself, on this occasion, the losing jockey. Many a worthy and grave old gentleman has, in his time, been engaged in affairs in which, though of no great turpitude, they might not think it edifying to figure as principals in the eyes of the sportive younkers, to whom it was their business to teach sage saws of experience. Mr. Scott of Monklaw enjoys posthumous fame enough as a horse-dealer, to bear up against having been for once deceived. We now insert the letter:

SIR,-In the December Number of your Magazine, Mr. Morrison, in his "Reminiscences of Sir Walter Scott," relates some anecdotes of Sir Walter's uncle, Mr. Thomas Scott, Monklaw. These anecdotes are trifling in themselves, and unworthy of notice, were it not that they are misapplied. Sir Walter is made to say, "My uncle tells of a most wonderful bagpipe which he constructed," &c. Now, I by no means would imply that Sir Walter Scott never spoke these words; but I do unhesitatingly assert, that Mr. Scott of Monklaw never told him any such thing as that "he constructed," &c. There must have been a slip of memory.

I resided at Monklaw, with Mr. Scott, for some years; and have heard many of his stories and anecdotes, and, amongst others, "Sundhope and his cats." Who Sundhope was, I cannot say ; but the story intimated, that he never successfully completed his instrument, chiefly from the want of a sufficiently good bass tom-cat, for a low note. Now, this story was invariably told, and listened to as a joke; and so far from being related as personal to Mr. Scott himself, was never, so far as I am aware, stated to have any connexion with facts. When Mr. Morrison says, "On this singular instrument, Monklaw affirmed he could play several slow tunes," he may well add-" but I never heard his performance."

I have heard the story of "Halter for halter;" but never heard Mr. Scott speak as if he had any concern with the affair of the blind horse.

I am your obedient Servant,

ONE OF MR. SCOTT'S GRANDSONS.

Printed by WILLIAM TAIT, 107, Prince's Street, Edinburgh.

TAIT'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

FEBRUARY, 1844.

BLANKS AND PRIZES; OR, THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE.

A TALE. BY MRS. GORE.-(Continued from page 11 of our January Number.)