eye; and even this cannot be discerned unless we are close to them. Mr. Samuel thinks these dealers may be an example to Christian jockeys, who do not scruple to lie, and even swear falsely, in bargaining. It is, however, as practicable to lie with the fingers and the eye as with the tongue. He held divine service in the Armenian church of the town, and sometimes Jews came stealthily to visit and question him. Little visible progress, however, was made in his work at this place among the Jews. The Arabs were more anxious to obtain copies of the Scriptures. In travelling through the Desert from Bussorah to Bagdad, Mr. Samuel was seized with a violent illness; but recovered, and owed much to the kindness of the British Resident, Colonel Taylor. He found that a great number of Bibles, New Testaments, and smaller tracts intended for distribution, had arrived before him, and that they were in great request. At first, appearances were most flattering; but it is probable that the Jews were not generally, at this time, aware of the stranger being a renegade from the faith of Abraham. And the indignation of the Mohammedans rose so high, at some imagined insult to the Prophet, that he was compelled suddenly to leave Bagdad, where his presence threatened danger, not only to himself, but to the other Christians in the city. He returned safely to Bussorah by the Euphrates, though after some rather alarming adventures. We fear that our commendation of Mr. Samuel's discretion ought to have been qualified. He seems to have at times injured the cause he came to forward by untempered zeal, and by launching forth the thunders of heaven far too freely on those opposed to his views. Nor is it improbable that Colonel Taylor was very well pleased to hurry him off. On a subsequent visit to Bagdad he showed more prudence. He says My experience has now taught me the danger of circulating controversial tracts among the Mohammedans. They readily receive the Old and New Testaments, and permit oral discussions, discreetly managed, as I have abundantly proved: and it seems to me wrong to endanger the success of our labours, by putting it in the power of any bigoted man to go to a Cazi with a single tract or two, and demand our punishment for reviling their Prophet. With the Bible, and free discussion, the missionary needs no controversial tracts; and I never now use them. It would certainly have been a subject of regret if any incidental imprudence had prevented the success of Mr. Samuel's attempts to distribute the New Testament in the native tongues among both Jews and Mahommedans, whether his preachings were listened to or not. Some wished to represent musical sounds by the numerals 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, &c., such as Père Souhaitty, and afterwards Rousseau. Others wished to employ the letters of the Roman alphabet, &c.; but all these plans were rejected, and the usual method still adhered to. There were good reasons for this. The notation by numerals and letters is found in old Tablatures, long before these attempts. The proposed changes and simplifications were only partially applicable to the whole system of modern music; and the attempt to apply them to the whole of that system, produced complexity and confusion still greater than belonged to the established notation. Among other proposed simplifications, was Thomas Salmon's in 1672, which was to reduce all sorts of music to an universal notation, by placing letters of the alphabet on the staff, and by rejecting all the different clefs.— Letters had been used long before in Tablatures. The abolition of all clefs but one has been frequently proposed since then, but never adopted. In the Harmonicon for July 1829, pp. 151, 152, 153, there is an ingenious article on Musical Notation, in which it is proposed to discard all the clefs, and to write all music upon a staff of three lines, with certain numerals prefixed to indicate the different scales, high or low, and the rhythmical divisions and the metronomic durations of the sounds. We refer Mr. Wallbridge to that article. Mr. Wallbridge also proposes to write all music on a staff of three lines, and to indicate the rhythm by numerals, and also the degree of velocity. We must say that, to our eye, the examples he gives of his proposed notation present more crowded complexity and clumsiness of characters than the common notation; and that we think it would be much more difficult to learn to read the former notation than the latter. Even supposing that Mr. W.'s notation were to be adopted-which is most improbable-what is to become of all the music written and printed for centuries past in the usual notation? It must be an unknown language to all who are conversant with Mr. W.'s system only. Is all that music to be translated into his notation? A labour impracticable! We were surprised to find Mr. W. (p. 10) falling into the common English error of stating a major third to consist of 5 semitones, and an imperfect fifth of 7 semitones; while the former contains only 4, and the latter only six. Thus, from C natural to D natural, is one tone, or two semitones; from D natural to E natural, one tone, or two semitones. The interval from C to E, a major third, is therefore = two tones, four semitones; and so on with other intervals. The common error lies in considering the sound from which we begin to reckon, as a semitone itself! In posting, this method would add seriously to the expense at every relay on the journey! We start, and the point of departure is set down one mile. When we arrive at the first milestone, that is reckoned two miles! Who would not laugh at such a reckoning? The Sequential System of Musical Notation: an entirely New Method of Writing Music, in strict conformity with Nature, and essentially free from all obscurity and intricacy. With explanatory Plates. By Arthur Wallbridge, author of "Jest and Earnest," and "Bizarre Fables." London: Strange. 1843. We give the whole title of this pamphlet, because it Mr. W. is a clever and ingenious writer. We would is full of promises which we should be glad to see ful-advise him to turn his attention to some more feasible filled, whether in Jest or Earnest. How any system of merely arbitrary and artificial signs of sound can be in "strict conformity with nature," we are at a loss to perceive. That Mr. Wallbridge's system is "entirely new" and "essentially free from all obscurity and intricacy," cannot be admitted. Several ingenious men have attempted to simplify, or to change altogether, the musical notation that has been generally used in Europe for centuries past; but failed. improvements of musical notation than those he suggests. The systems of a new and universal musical notation, are about as hopeless as the schemes that have been proposed for a new and universal alphabet and language to supersede all others, living or dead. Factories and the Factory System. By W. Cooke Taylor, LL.D. London: How. This is something between a pamphlet and a book, intended to meet the demand of the hour. Dr. Taylor, from personal observation and parliamentary papers, is well stored with knowledge of the subject. His principles are sound, his views correct; but somehow the impression is inevitable, that he can perceive no fault, and nothing short of perfection in the Factory System; and however unreasonable it may be, this tends to lessen the effect of his arguments. They are coldly or suspiciously received as those, not of an impartial investigator, but of an advocate. It will be difficult to persuade people with their eyes open, and of even moderate experience, that many of the dreadful and acknowledged social evils of Manchester and Glasgow are not intimately, however unnecessarily, connected with the rapid extension of the factory system. That the agricultural population are also, particularly as to lodging, in a very bad condition, may be a set-off, but is no argument. Wiser were the course to show that manufactures, Factories, instead of entailing misery, or being in any way connected with the mass of moral degradation and material squalor to be found in their sites, ought to be the main agents in preventing the ills complained of; and the full employment and ample wages they afford, the means of well-being to all. Were every factory and its work-people in the condition of the one described by an anonymous lady at great length in a letter to another lady, in Dr. Taylor's book, so far from there being ground of complaint, we should say that the Factory Millennium had arrived. And the description may be quite correct as to the place referred to. Now, why are not all manufacturing villages in the same satisfactory condition? They are not so because the same benevolent and enlightened spirit does not guide one in fifty of these establishments. And what shall ensure that this spirit will henceforth preside over them? And here we are left exactly where we set out; and the antagonist systems, Agriculture and Factories, are found positively or relatively good as they happen to be administered. objectionable than the minuteness with which those more recent events are dwelt upon which keep alive and foster the bitter animosities of race and religion in Ireland. It is impossible to obliterate such unhappy occurrences from the annals of Ireland, as the Massacre of the Protestants and the Siege of Derry: but they should be lightly dwelt upon, and the errors of both parties briefly pointed out. The same remark is applicable to details of some of the worst atrocities committed by the Rebels of 1798. As a whole, however, the compilation is useful and creditable, and in any country except Ireland would be considered as tolerably fair and impartial. But there everything is caught at, and therefore no occasion should be given to the enemy on one side or the other. Chess Studies, Comprising One Thousand Games actually Played. Selected and arranged by George Walker Octavo; stitched. Longman & Company. The game of chess is making rapid progress. Many more play it than ever before tried so serious and trying a game; and all play it better. Excellent treatises are every other year added to the instructions of our old original Philidor, and here is a whole volume of examples which perhaps best teach. Mr. Walker in the introduction to his games, remarks, that though we can boast of no phenomenon like Philidor, we have now a hundred for the half-dozen second-rates, that is, very good players equal to those of Philidor's age. The games and matches exemplified have been more or less recently played by the best chess-players in England and on the continent; the compiler, Mr. Walker, being of the number. Philidor's games, or many of them, are also given, which gives a completeness to the work. We should have felt a few foot-notes profitable, pointing out either the important moves on which a game turns and takes a new aspect, or the blunders that ensure its loss. There are, indeed, a few notes, but not nearly enough, we should think, for the instruction of young students of the game. Notices of the State of Religion in Geneva and Belgium. Maclehose. This account of the grievous backsliding in the town of Calvin is prefaced by a description of the city and canton of Geneva, in which Dr. Heugh seems to have resided for some time. There is also an account of an excursion to Mont Blanc extracted from Dr. Heugh's Journal. Belgium does not appear to have fallen under his personal observation, save in the most cursory way, though he has collected information on the state of Protestantism from various competent sources. The most important fact enunciated in the volume is, that many of the people of Geneva are prepared to separate from the State Church of Geneva; or, in other words, to act upon the voluntary principle; that the most pious and able of the clergy lead this movement, and that several of them, both in Geneva and other Protestant cantons, have already withdrawn from the communion of the State Church.- -Dr. Heugh's volume, whatever may be thought of his plan for sending missions to Switzerland and Belgium, is an interesting record of thoughts and facts. Christ. By Ralph Wardlaw. D.D. Third Thousand. Glasgow: Maclehose. It would appear that these discourses have given rise to so much controversy, as to have made necessary a pamphlet which Dr. Wardlaw has put forth in vindication of his peculiar views, and entitled, " Reviewers Reviewed." Dr. Wardlaw belongs to the Independent denomination; and the remarks are on reviews which have appeared in the United Secession, and Scottish Presbyterian Magazines. This is a subject so entirely beyond our province, and so over-abundantly provided for in what are called the Religious Periodicals, that we merely announce the respective publications; as anything emanating from so able a man as Dr. Wardlaw must be worthy of attention. Report of the Poor-Law Commissioners on Local Taxation. when the Marquis of Normanby was Home Secretary, This is the elaborate Report of a Commission appointed but made to Sir James Graham. It points out many obscurities, anomalies, and also many defects and abuses in Outlines of the History of Ireland, for Schools and Fami- local taxation, and also suggests remedies or improve lies. 18mo. Dublin: Curry. The fabulous history of Ireland may be treated too much at length in this compilation, in relation to its limited space; but as this is entertaining, it is less ments. If we have a new Poor Law for Scotland, which by and by we must have, this Report will become of more interest in our division of the island than it is at present. The Elements of Natural History, for the Use of Schools | troduction to Natural History adapted to youthful caand Young Persons, comprising the Principles of Classification; interspersed with amusing original accounts of the most remarkable animals. By Mrs. R. Lee, author of the "Memoirs of Cuvier," &c. &c. - With wood engravings. Pp. 485. Mrs. Lee rightly considers Cuvier's Animal Kingdom too extensive and too profound a work for the young student. Her volume is, therefore, meant to form an in pacities. She occupies the circumscribed, and yet vast field offered by the first four classes of animals, and attempts to set them before the young beginner "in such a manner as may convey their most important characters, and their classification and economy. The illustrative anecdotes will, we suspect, not be less acceptable to juvenile students than the strictly scientific information. APRIL SONG. HARK! the birds are blithely hymning! Of sweet mavis, greets the Spring. Pine upon the hoary mountain J. S. B. "The craw-flower's early bell" of Tannahill-Wordsworth's celandine?-Ranunculus Ficaria, pilewort of the botanists. + The word anemone (from ass, the wind.) ENGLISH FACTORIES AND IRISH FRANCHISE. SINCE the date of our last writing, the "new Radi- | think of the quality of that noble lord's philanthropy, calism" of philanthrophy, of which we then spoke as one of the most hopeful signs of the times, has been more than ordinarily busy; breaking up parties, dislocating, pro hac vice, all party relations, and for the moment shaking the Cabinet itself; not without making ample exhibition, by the way, of the blunders and perversities -together with a strong dash of the faction and hypocrisy-which we have taken the liberty of charging on this movement. By the time these pages are in the reader's hands, things will probably have fallen back into the usual parliamentary train; the Government will have recovered itself from the concussion, by a handsome majority, and the Factory question will be set at rest-for this session only. But the substantial interest of this question is permanent and growing; and we take the opportunity afforded by the recent agitation, to record our opinion on a matter which is evidently destined to come up again and again for parliamentary adjustment, and any real settlement of which seems to be as far off as ever. The triumph of Lord Ashley and the advocates of the Ten-hours Bill, brief and precarious as it will, in all likelihood, turn out to have been, belongs, undoubtedly, to the class of “great facts;” facts significant of the birth and growth of new ideas. Whatever we may (of which a word presently,) and however much of his late parliamentary successes may be attributable to that blind, mad, Tory hatred of the manufacturers, which certainly helped not a little to swell his ranks; still, after making large deductions on the score of fanaticism, stupidity, spite, and class jealousy, we must allow that there are names in the majorities of the 18th and the 22d of March, not to be spoken of without respect; and that opinions were expressed in the debates of those nights, which have all the usual characteristics of sincerity and deliberation. There were the Whig leaders forsaking the traditions of their party, and voting against their former selves, with a most courageous defiance of the charge of inconsistency; and there were some of the best and ablest of the more advanced Liberals repudiating what, by Liberals, are commonly regarded as the best established doctrines of orthodox political economy. When men like Lord Howick and Mr. Charles Buller begin to talk, in the dialect of Past and Present, about the "organisation of industry," and new eras of society needing new principles and modes of legislation ;" and when Lord John Russell himself meddles with them that are given to change, abandons his past emphatically-expressed opinions,* and hampers his future official position with a vote that will hereafter be Lord John Russell's recent speech and vote on the Ten-hours question, curiously contrast with a former expression of opinion by him. On the 1st of July, 1839, he met Lord Ashley on this very point of the Ten-hours, with the following piece of good old political economy: "It seems to me that the noble lord has not answered the question put by my honourable friend, the member for Wolverhampton, (Mr. Villiers,) viz., whether, having reduced the hours of labour, the noble lord can provide, at the same time, that the same remuneration shall be given for the shortened hours of labour. Does the noble lord mean to carry his principle to the extent of fixing wages by law, or does he not? If he does mean to do so, the Committee know, of course, the impossi bility of adopting such a principle; and if he does not, the Committee must know, that whatever shortens the hours of labour, and with the present high price of provisions reduces the rate of wages, instead of being a proposition of humanity, would be a proposition of the greatest inhumanity. Therefore, as I think the proposition, if carried into effect, would be cruel in its operation, I must vote against it." VOL. XI,—NO. CXXV, 2 D brought up against him as a pledge-it is plain that a real | sure to vicissitude, the wear and tear of body and soul, change of opinion is in progress, on some of the deepest the general unrest of commercial and industrial life in principles of social policy and legislation. That Lord Ashley this country, come not of non-interference-but of mishappened to get a majority on his Ten-hours clause, ischievous and selfish interference with labour and capital. not, in itself, a thing of any great moment: but that he To denounce non-interference, while the Corn-law and was able to carry with him so many of the representa- its kindred enactments are unrepealed, is putting us on tives of Whiggism and political economy, is a fact of a quite false scent. The whole thing is a move in a very considerable significance. The true meaning of it false direction. It is a scheme for mending the mischiefs we take to be, that a conviction is practically gaining of restriction, not by freedom, but by more restriction. ground among our public men of all parties and opinions, It is looking for the remedy in fresh dozes of the disthat the sympathies and humanities are not to be ignored ease. It is the old-wife recipe-a hair of the dog that by the legislator; that the working man is to be treated bit us, when the true thing to do, is to kill the beast, and by the State, not only as a worker, but also and chiefly cut out the bite. as a man; that the moral well-being and domestic comfort of the men, women, and children, that make what we call "the masses," are of more worth than any commercial and scientific abstraction named National Wealth; and that the dogmas of political economy-the sacred Laissez-faire itself not excepted-must be tried by their fruits in the actual, every-day life of concrete human beings. All this is well, and of good omen. But here our sympathy with the late Ten-hours movement terminates. The philanthropy of nine-tenths of its promoters we regard as of an utterly apocryphal quality; and the particular proposal into which that philanthropy shaped itself, as a most mischievous delusion, which we heartily thank the present ministry for having so strenuously resisted. For which opinion we proceed to show cause. And, first, we have a word to say of the 66 new era' requiring new principles of legislation": one of the new principles being the adoption of "some mode of industrial organisation"—and the repudiated old principle being that of non-interference, or Laissez-faire, so long assumed by the political economists as a great first truth in commercial science, but of late so eloquently denounced by the author of Chartism and Past and Present. We respectfully beg to represent to Mr. Carlyle, Mr. Buller, Lord Howick, and the other new-light Liberals, that we are not yet got to our new era, with its new principles; but are in the very heat and thick of an old era, whose principles, so far as they have been tried, have worked well. We have the old principle of commercial and industrial freedom to work out, first of all; and when we have honestly tried it, and found it wanting, it will be time enough for the new principles that are to control and modify it. There is no need of assuming the finality, the axiomatic absoluteness and universality of non-interference and Laissezfaire; but it is too early in the day to quarrel with Laissez-faire. The reaction of some of our Liberals against the non-interference principle is out of time and out of place. The principle has not yet had a fair trialLandlord monopolies, Colonial monopolies, and the like stopping the way: what limitations, modifications, and exceptions may be needed, to make it work the possible maximum of social good, we have as yet no experimental knowledge. The time is not come-the ground is not clear-for this sort of exceptional legislation. Laissezfaire may have its evils, but is not the evil; not the specific cause of the woes under which the industrial population of this country now groans. The too-little food and rest, the too-much work, the ceaseless straining and striving, the anxious sense of instability and expo The Ten-hours delusion has been countenanced by some of our Liberals, with a sort of sneaking kindness, on the ground that it is a delusion; the speedy and sure detection of which, by those who would be its victims, would necessitate Corn-law repeal, and free trade. They advocate the measure, not as a good, for its own sake— but as an evil, for the sake of its reaction. Something of this kind seems to have been Lord John Russell's notion, on the 18th of March, when, it would seem without any actual change of opinion, he voted with Lord Ashley," in the hope that a limitation of the hours of labour would compel us to resort to additional supplies of foreign corn, in order to counteract the fall in wages.” The principle here enunciated is of the worst possible tendency. This sort of "compulsion" might very well be accepted by free-traders, as a consequence of restrictive legislation, and turned to account in the free-trade agitation-as we might accept and turn to account the compulsion consequent on a bad harvest, and famine prices: but we must protest against the morality of creating the compulsion with a deliberate view to its uses, doing evil that good may come of it, enacting one mischievous law to help forward the agitation against another. Nor is the policy of this course less exceptionable than its morality. If docking the manufacturing industry of the country, of one-sixth of its productive power would bring Corn-law repeal, it could only bring it at the cost of an amount of individual misery, and national impoverishment which might put other things in peril of repeal besides the Corn-law. The experiment proposed is one, too, of most dubious efficacy, except on terms not to be lightly risked. What kind or degree of manufacturing and commercial distress would dissolve the landlord majority, we do not at present know: but we do know what will not. There was distress enough from 1838 to 1842, to "compel us to resort to additional supplies of foreign corn," if this sort of compulsion were of much avail. We are glad it has not been seen fit by any considerable proportion of our free-traders, that the country shall, by any act of theirs, be made worse before it be better. If there was one thing more nauseous than another in the late Ten-hours discussion, it was the eternal complimenting from all sides of the house of Lord Ashley, his philanthropy, his motives, &c. We really think the less said the better, about a philanthropy that can turn its back on Dorsetshire farm-labourers, wallowing in their filth, their ignorance, their squalid penury, their seven shillings a-week and potatoes, to go crusading it against the cotton-spinners. What have we to do with a phil The more obvious explanation of Lord John Russell's vote of the 18th of March, we do not believe to be the true one; but never did a public man more fairly lay himself open to the imputation of forgetting that Opposition has its responsibilities as well as office. anthropy that taxes our bread? or with the motives of a wages-fund-the source and security of peace, law, man who can't be got to take his hands out of our pockets? order, individual and national life-we are cutting into The best way is to look at the acts and the omissions of in all directions, The Corn-law is one large slice out of public men, and the natural tendencies of these, and let it; the Income Tax is another; a Ten-hours Bill would their motives take care of themselves. If ever the time be another-how large or small, experience only can come when Lord Ashley's philanthropy and motives move tell. We have no love, Heaven knows, for the men now him to denounce the selfish and sordid iniquities of landlord in office; but we do thank them for drawing the line legislation, and defend the rights of industry against the here. thievish aggressions of his own order, we shall be ready most respectfully to acknowledge that his philanthropy is equal to Lord Radnor's, and that his motives are as good as Lord Ducie's. It is not our meaning, in expressing this opinion of the Ten-hours Bill and its advocates, to maintain any rigid, absolute doctrine of legislative non-interference with labour-as little as to maintain that more than ten hours' work, on six days out of seven, is good for human beings. That it is the right and duty of society to interfere in the best way it can, to protect those who cannot protect themselves-to rescue the young, growing strength of childhood from toil unfit, in quantity or quality, for childhood to be tasked with, is a principle against which we have not a word to say. But the principle must be carried out with a clear eye and a steady hand, or it were better let alone. The more recent factory evidence shows, that past interference with children's labour in factories, has, in many cases, done the little objects of legislative commiseration more harm than good-driving children under the factory age into other and worse employments. Thus, Mr. Tufnell reports, that at Warrington the "horrid employment" of pin-heading has absorbed numbers of those children whom legislation protects from the infinitely less laborious and less pernicious factory work. It seems to be quietly taken for granted, all through this Ten-hours agitation, that factories are the only places where children are set to work, and that the work is peculiarly severe in kind and degree: the fact being, that all poor people make their children work; and that factory-work, as at present regulated, is about the lightest and least injurious that children can do. "Of all the common prejudices," says Mr. Tufnell, "that exist with respect to factory labour, there is none more unfounded than that which ascribes to it excessive tedium and irksomeness above other occupations ;" and he goes on to show that this remark, "strange as it may appear, applies peculiarly to the labour of children in cotton factories." Mr. Senior, too, speaks of the "unexpectedly favourable impression made on us all as to the effects of factory labour." There is more bending double, more straining of young eyes or young muscles, more exposure to noxious influences of various kinds, in almost any continuous work that children can be made to do, than in the much-denounced factory-work as now regulated. Let humanity interfere and legislate, by all means, in the most effectual way it can, to save out of childhood's life the portion which nature needs for growth, rest, and What, precisely, the practical consequence would have been of the legislative adoption of the Ten-hours Bill, is at this moment a matter of less urgent interest than it was some weeks ago. On the minutiae of such calculations as those gone into by Mr. Senior, or on the rougher and more general estimates of Sir James Graham and some of the manufacturers, prophesying a reduction of from fifteen to twenty-five per cent. on wages, we do not lay any great stress as essential elements of the question. Those calculations and estimates may be right or wrong-they may be over or under the mark—it does not signify the gist of the question is this, that any restriction on the working power of machinery must make some difference in manufacturers' profits, and that that difference must be taken out of the labourer in the shape of reduced wages. The difference may be greater, or it may be less, than has been predicted: but, whether greater or less, it will lie in the direction of lowered wages. To enact that manufacturing machinery shall work only ten hours a-day instead of twelve, is to take something, more or less, out of the profits of manufacturing capital; and the profits of capital are the wages-fund of the country. It is to abridge the lucrativeness of manufactures; to drive capital, or keep capital, more or less, out of manufactures: and how this can be done without cutting into wages more or less, we leave as a problem for the solution of the humanity that loves to open its mouth wide in declamation, and shut its eyes fast on consequences. That to lessen the amount of capital employed in any branch of industry—to make any branch of industry uninviting to the capitalist-is to diminish the demand for, and lower the exchangeable value of that particular description of labour, we take to be a tolerably safe position. We know not a more palpable common-sense doctrine than this:—that it is the interest of every kind of labourer that as much capital as possible should be invested in his particular line; every £1000 of capital attracted, for instance, into the cotton manufacture is so much added to the competition of buyers in the cotton labour-market-every £1000 withdrawn is so much added to the competition of sellers in the labour-market. | education: but let humanity take care to know well A law for improving the condition of the class of labourers at the expense of the class of capitalists, is a law for producing effects without causes-rather, effects against causes. This Ten-hours Bill may be christened with the finest names in the vocabulary of philanthropy -"organisation of industry," "new principles of legislation applied to new social wants :" it is neither more nor less than an attack on the great wages-fund of the country. Whether the wages-fund is just now in a state to stand the attack, let consols at par-that sure index to the rate of commercial and manufacturing profitsmake answer. Really it would be well to remember that these experiments may be carried too far. This what it is about, and not make bad worse. If the labour of children and women is to be restricted, the labour of men must be made more valuable: and this can only be by increasing the demand for labour: and this can only be by widening the field for the profitable employment of capital: and this can only be by emancipating commerce and this, unfortunately, is precisely the one thing which our humanity-legislators will not do. The only safe and possible Ten-hours Bill is Free Trade in food and raw material. Could we hope that any word of ours would be heard by those on whose credulity a purblind and one-sided humanity practises this delusion of twelve-hours' wages |