XXI.

wait the return of such circumstances as would BOOK afford us a probability of treating with success.

Mr. Wilberforce remarked "that on one 1795. point the house appeared perfectly agreed-the propriety of declaring the republican form of government no bar to negotiation. He thought the terms of the amendment not sufficiently explicit: it proposed relying on the dispositions always manifested by his majesty of effecting a pacification, whereas it did not appear to be fact that his majesty had always made a clear manifestation of such a disposition. The declaration of our allies gave the French reason to believe that the restoration of the ancient government was in contemplation. For his part, favorable as he was to the system of a counterrevolution, yet he was free to own that in his opinion any government would be preferable to the old one. In our present situation we had only a choice of evils; and such a peace as could be made with the present government of France was a less evil than continuing the war on the principles by which it had hitherto been directed, and far better than such a peace as we might ultimately be obliged to accept. There were (he said) various modes by which nations placed in the relation of England and France might treat without humiliation on either side. England (he observed, upon the authority of Mr.

XXI

BOOK Hume) had too great a propensity to war, and was too pertinacious in continuing it. Profess 1795, ing to think the original motion not sufficiently general, he concluded with moving an amendment upon that of Mr. Pitt, viz. that the existence of any particular form of government in France ought not to preclude such a peace as should be consistent with the honor and interests of the country.'

Mr. Fox appealed to the house "Whether it was to be expected that the French would be the first to negotiate after the declarations made against them by ministers. What (he asked) would have been the feelings of Englishmen if the Convention had determined never to treat with them till there was a reform in the English government ?—We must (said this great statesman) do away all our arrogant expressions against France; and then, even though we should not be able to obtain peace, yet we should take from them the cause of their enthusiasm, that which roused every national feeling, and had carried them to unparalleled exertions. In all questions of policy, he said, nations must yield to imperious necessity; and it would be obstinacy, not honor, to persevere in an opinion proved by experience to be wrong." The original motion of Mr. Grey was at length negatived, and the amendment of Mr. Pitt adopted, the num

XXI.

bers being 268 to 86. The question was then BOOK put, upon the amendment of Mr. Wilberforce, when the house again divided: Ayes, 90, Noes, 1795. 254; so that the opposition seemed gradually though slowly gaining ground.

A similar motion was brought forward in the house of peers by the duke of Bedford, on the following day, seconded by the duke of Norfolk, which was superseded by an amendment copied from that of Mr. Pitt by lord Grenville, who declared his belief that a majority of the French were favorers of royalty, and that the re-establishment of monarchy presented the most probable hopes of peace. The amendment was opposed in a speech of great energy and eloquence by the celebrated Watson, bishop of Landaff. This prelate said, "that he could not, without clearer proof than had yet appeared, admit the original justice of the war, nor, of consequence, the necessity of it; for no war could be necessary that was was not just. There had been a time when Great Britain could have mediated with efficacy beween France and the Germanic powers, and might have insisted upon each party confining itself within its ancient bounds, at the same time renouncing every claim to interfere in their internal affairs. His lordship shewed the absurdity of continuing the war in order to

BOOK stop the progress of democratic opinions, and XXI. added, that the governments of Europe would

1795.

find their truest safety in exercising their power
with equity and moderation. The British con-
stitution admitted of improvement, and admit-
ted it not only with safety but facility. He
urged the importance of immediate negotiation,
in order to promote union at home. To per-
sist in the same course, under every alteration
of circumstances, was not firmness, but obsti-
nacy.
It was a mistaken notion of firmness
that lost us America. With regard to the atro-
cities committed by the French, whatever might
be their number or magnitude, who made us
the avengers of guilt, or invested us with a
right to dispense the judgments of Providence?
To God, not to us, they were accountable, and
to him alone did justice and judgment belong.
The French, we are told, are atheists, and this
is urged as a reason for persisting in the war
against France. Presumptuous idea! Miserable
beings as we are, did we imagine that the arm
of flesh was wanted to assist and enforce the
will of the ALMIGHTY? The abuse of religion
had been mistaken in France for religion itself.
Hence, in the eagerness of her enthusiasm for
the reform of religious abuses, she had re-
nounced religion altogether, and been betrayed
by the false light of philosophy into infidelity.

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1795.

But he doubted not that the mist in which they BOOK were at present bewildered would soon be dispersed, and Christianity appear in a purer form than ever."-The division upon the motion of amendment was 88 to 15 peers.

moved by

Not discouraged by the ill success of his Resolutions former motion, and desirous to improve what- Mr. Grey negatived. ever impression had been made by it, Mr. Grey, on the 6th of February, moved the following well-weighed and judicious resolution :-" That this house, considering that, in the support which it has given to his majesty in the prosecution of the present war, it has at no time had any other object but to restore to these kingdoms the blessings of an equitable peace; that with a view to accomplish this humane and desirable end, every formal difficulty which may stand in the way of a pacific negotiation with the powers with which we are at war ought, in the first instance, to be removed; and that without some acknowledgment of the existence of a competent power in France with which his majesty may negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace on just and reasonable terms for both parties, there can be no termination of the present war but in the destruction of one of them; -considering further, that the existence of such a competent power in France has been directly

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