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theirs the Laws!" They have all the grave | indeed, compelled the Americans to be-
and reverend Seniors. All the gowns and come manufacturers, but they also sent
all the wigs. They have both Univer- them out hands to assist them. Such has
sities and all these learned bodies called been the progress of manufactures there,
Societies and Institutions. We have for that, as I am informed, a considerable
us nothing at all but our own plain senses. quantity of cotton and woollen yarn has
And, we shall see, therefore, in the event already been exported to Europe. Per-
as to the paper money, in what degree they haps not less than 30 or 40 thousand
are our superior.
Merino sheep have been introduced into
the American States. Under these cir-
cumstances it would be madness for any
one to suppose, that the American govern-
ment did not hail with joy the fair pre-
tence for passing a new Act of non-impor-
tation of English goods; and, especially
when we reflect, that the persons now in
power in America have always been op-
posed by the English merchants and their
adherents in the United States. Some
of our newspapers give extracts from those
of America, exclaiming bitterly against
the non-importation Act, and also against
the rejection of the Bank Charter. But,
they take these extracts from prints wholly
devoted to the English Merchants. If
they were to quote from prints of the
other side, they would convey to their
readers quite a different view of the matter.

AMERICAN STATES.In another part of this Number, will be found a Letter from MR. PINCKNEY to LORD WELLESLEY upon the subject of the Orders in Council. -It is, I think, impossible to deny, that, through the whole of this letter, Mr. PINCKNEY is unanswerable. The Berlin and Milan Decrees were revoked, and, according to our promise, we should have revoked the Orders in Council.. -But, while this is decidedly my opinion, far be it from me to regret the consequences of our non-compliance. I mean the Acts which have been passed in America, to prevent any importation from England, and which I look upon as greatly favourable to the real interests of both countries. The former interruptions to intercourse were productive of much good; but this will, I hope, put an end to the unnatural dependence upon each other, which was so mischievous to England as well as to America. The truth is, that it is, and long has been, the policy of those statesmen, who have now the predominance in America, to wean that country from this. The close connection between them they looked upon, and very justly, as tending to disturb the peace of America, because it kept alive a party hostile to the very nature of the Social Contract. To see their country liable, at any time, to be plunged into distress, unless it submitted to the will of another nation, was what they could not endure. Experience has convinced them that America can dispense with European manufactures; and, therefore it is, that they now assume a tone of more indifference than upon any former occasion." unpardonable.”—It is very curious to Mr. PINCKNEY'S Letter contains, in the very tone of it, a proof of the indifference of the American government as to any accommodation with ours. Those who have been anticipating, that the non-importation Act would not pass, do not appear to have perceived how much the circumstances of America are altered of late

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-The fact is, that the Bank of the United
States was little else than an English con-
cern. It was little else than a branch of
her ladyship in Threadneedle-street. She
is, indeed, the only original Bank in the
whole World. All the others, no matter
where they be, are, more or less, her off-
spring, and are, more or less, dependent
upon her. The Bank in America was a
powerful instrument in the hands of the
English merchants and their party.
Therefore it is no wonder at all that their
prints cry out against its being put a stop
to: No wonder that, in the language of
SIR JOHN SINCLAIR, they call this measure
"NATIONALSUICIDE." The straw-pen
Baronet says, that "to cause any material
"diminution of that mine of national pros-
"perity (Bank Notes), would be a species
"of POLITICAL SUICIDE, altogether

observe the similarity in the language.
But, it seems, that the American Congress
do not see any thing of the nature of a
mine in the paper of their Bank, though,
observe, that paper was payable in specie at
the will of the holder, and not, like ours,
payable in other bits of paper. They saw no
mine in it except a mine for subverting the
morals and the liberties of the people.
They appear not to have had the smallest
notion of the efficacy of bank notes in caus-

D

ing an increase of corn and meat and wool. They appear not to have any notion of the force of bank notes in causing sunshine and showers and pulverizing frosts. Bedlam does not appear to have extended its philosophy so effectually to that country yet, notwithstanding the crowds of English merchants there settled.The Americans are a cool, sensible, observing race of men. They have, too, had ample experience on the subject of paper-money; and it is no wonder, especially when they cast their eyes this way, that they resolve to tolerate nothing of the kind of a national Bank, out of which they must be sure, that a national debt, would soon grow, and, what a national debt produces they well know from our sad example. War and taxation are as necessary to a funding system as blood and bone are necessary to the human body; and, in time, war and taxation produce what we now see and feel.Our prints would fain persuade us, that these Acts against importation and against the bank, in America, are the work of a mere faction; that they have been passed for selfish purposes; and that they are disapproved of by the people. But, why should we believe this? If, indeed, the Congress were not chosen by the people; if none but here and there a knot of bribed miscreants had the privilege of voting for Congressmen; if these latter were themselves a set of base jobbers; if the President, or his Secretary, in one way or another, could, through the means of these sham Representatives and Senators, buy and sell the people like cattle at a fair; if, in short, the Congress of America, were, like the Corps Legislatif, a set of purchased, perjured, knaves, intermixed with a due proportion of fools and cowards; if this were the case, then, indeed, there might be some reason for treating their decisions as the result of some villainous bargain, in which their own immediate profit was uppermost, or as the effect of an uniform desire to support a system, through the means of which the people were oppressed and robbed with impunity. But, being really chosen by the people, and chosen annually too, they must be supposed to speak the wish of the people, whether that wish be wise or foolish.

-It seems to me, that this state of things between England and America is fortunate for both countries, but more particularly for the former, whose only chance of salvation lies in a speedily betaking herself to the cultivation of her own natural and

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mighty internal resources and in casting off at once all dependence upon external commerce. If I am asked, how the taxes are to be raised without external commerce, and how, if the taxes fall off, the interest of the national debt is to be paid; I answer, that these are no affairs of mine; that my anxiety extends no further than the preservation of England and Scotland and Ireland, one independent country, inhabited by a free and happy people; but, that, I beg to observe, that, if the taxes and the fundholders' interest depend upon external commerce, there is a strong probability that they will both suffer a great diminution.

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House of Commons has had laid before it a Letter from the Viscount Talavera, dated in October Ïast, upon the subject of yielding relief to those persons in Portugal, who have suffered from the operations of the war. Upon the report in this Letter, it would seem, that the grant of 100,000l., to these sufferers has been made, after a Message to that intent from his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent.But, by a reference to the letter, the reader will perceive, that his Excellency the Lord Marshall does not suggest the necessity, nor, indeed, the propriety, of parliamentary relief, but of relief from the charitable disposition of the good people of this country, whose usual benevolence he takes this opportunity most aptly to extol; and, having determined upon the propriety of the thing, he, without seeming to entertain any doubts as to its practicability, leaves LORD LIVERPOOL nothing to do but "to consider of the mode of recommending "the Portuguese to the charitable dispo"sition of his Majesty's subjects." Now, why was not this plan pursued? It certainly would have been preferable to a parliamentary grant; because it would have afforded those who love the Portuguese and their cause a fair opportunity of evincing it; while, on the other hand, it would have left no room for grumbling amongst those who may think that Por tugal has already cost us a great deal too much, and that, in spite of all appearances, or, rather, reports, to defend a people, except in the character of auxiliary, is impossible.I approve of the LORD MARSHALL's plan; and, doubtless, those who have always been for the war in Spain and Portugal, would have chearfully contributed towards the relief of the poor crea

loaf each. This is liberality and charity
indeed. But I hear of no meetings.
There used to be meetings for raising
money for shoes and flannel shirts and trow-
sers and drawers, and all manner of things,
in order to make our allies comfortable while
they were fighting against the French. The
very women and children used to sub-
scribe. But, now, alas! all that the
poor Portuguese have got, or are likely
to get, in the way of voluntary contri
bution, is about 40 lines of doggerel from
the pen of poet Fitzgerald; and, he be-
ing a pensioner, even that cannot be called
voluntary. This is a sad falling off to be
sure. Why should not those, who met
for the purpose of instigating the war, sub-
scribe 20 or 30 thousand pounds each?
And those, too, who Addressed the King
upon his resolution to enter into the war.
These are the men to indemnify the poor
creatures in Portugal, who, if they had
12 or 18 guineas each given them, might
get on again pretty well; but, really, to
vote the people of Portugal a shilling each
is what I could not have expected.
us hope, however, that we shall see meet-
ings held yet. Those who instigated the
war, and who, no doubt, saw clearly the
profits of it, will, let us hope, not remain
deaf to the tender voice of charity, espe-
cially when the goddess speaks through
the lips of a Wellesley. But, it is time for
them to begin to meet; for, the next dis-
patches may tell us, that the Lord Marshall
is again at his old work of drawing Massena
after him; and it would be very conveni-
ent for the Portuguese to hear of our cha-
ritable movements before that takes place.

Let

tures, who have so severely suffered from that war.--Whether the war was, on our part just or unjust, wise or foolish, is not here the question; the question is whether the poor unfortunate wretches who have suffered from it ought to be relieved from this country, and this is a question, which, I think, must be decided in the affirmative, unless, indeed, we could make France afford them relief, which is not very probable. There can be no doubt, that, if it had not been for us, the poor creatures would not have had their country ravaged in the manner that they have. To be sure, what we have done, and are doing, is all for their good; but, still, they ought to be compensated for their losses, because, as to individuals, at any rate, there is no satisfactory proof, that they invited us to their country.It may be said, that it is better for them to suffer loss of goods and chattels and even loss of life, than to let the French have the government of the country in their hands; that, compared to this, hanging or drowning or shooting would be nothing. This is going a good way: farther than our life-and-fortune-men would like to go, I believe. But, let it be so, still we went to Portugal without being actually sent for by the people at large, and, therefore I am decidedly for their being compensated for their losses and sufferings by us. But, then, I am for the mode pointed by the Lord Marshall. I am for leaving the honour of relieving the Portuguese to those who were for the war in Portugal. To them belongs the merit of making and abetting the war, and I would by no means deprive them of the pleasure of paying the expences of it. -Before I quit this subject, I cannot --Not a word, however, do we hear of help remarking how unanimous the HonMEETINGS for this purpose! Whither ourable House was as to the vote of a hunare fled all the choice spirits of good old dred thousand pounds to the Portuguese. full-blooded Anti-Jacobin times; No Mr. PONSONBY Seconded the motion. All meetings at the Mansion House! No was harmony. And, in the other House, meetings at Lloyds!! No Turtle Patriot the harmony was, if possible, still more meetings; Why, the very Turtle and striking; and LORD WELLESLEY, when Turbot and Venison and Wine that were he proposed the measure, talked about that swallowed upon the proclaiming of this" distinguished warrior," his brother, in war would have fetched half the money now granted to the poor, miserable, naked, starving and lacerated wretches that it has produced, What! A hundred thousand Pound! Spirit of Voluntary Contributions, whither art thou fled! Art gone amongst the worms to seek the great statesman "now no more?" What! A hundred thousand pounds! Why it is not above a shilling a head for the poor creatures. It is not enough to get them one single quartern

strains that really were quite moving.-
The daily newspapers have taken their
fill of victory; and, indeed, with some
of them the two frequent effects of inordi-
nate repletion seem to have followed.
The TIMES, which for some time seems to
have been doing penance, in the hope of
working out its salvation, has, upon this oc-
casion, surpassed even the regular traders.

It is, to be sure, shameful, to the last degree, to hear boastings like those of the

last week. Why, what is it, after all? What have we gained? Who have we beaten? What place, or what men, or what cannon have we taken? When the French were following our army, we said, that our General was not running away; but that he was drawing the French after him. Why do we not allow that the same may now be the case as to the enemy? What a shame! How foolish is this! What shall we gain by it in the end? Is it not better to speak modestly and truly of such things; and, especially until we know the result of the war. It is by the result that the victory is known.--Besides, we always seem to forget the cost of this war. We seem to forget, that the French General has maintained his army in the country, and that ours has been maintained by the draining of England. Only consider what shipping we have had attendant upon this our army, carrying it supplies of all sorts, and having transports constantly at band to bring it off, if necessary. We seem to forget this. And, then, we maintain that all the people in Portugal are enemies of the French. So that they have all sorts of difficulties to encounter. They are in an enemy's country; they have no communication with home; they have no supplies but what they collect upon the spot; no shipping; no external resources; while we have a fleet the seamen of which are half as numerous as their army; and, yet they have been able to keep their ground, to lie in front of us, aye, and to hem us up for six months.But, after all, what was Massena to do, if we did not go out of our lines? If our general resolved not to stir out, it was useless for the French to lie where they were. The question of victory is to be settled by the result; and as to that no man can yet know any thing. If, indeed, Spain and Portugal shall be finally freed of the French, completely freed, and made independent, then it may be said, that we have been victorious; but, not 'till then. And, in the mean while, I beseech my credulous and easily-amused countrymen to remember how many cannon-firings and illuminations and what huzzaings, took place for our victories, during the American War.

WM. COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday,
April 16, 1811.

OFFICIAL PAPERS,

ENGLAND.

REPORT of the Queen's Council, on the State of His Majesty's Health.-Queen's Lodge, Windsor, April 6, 1811.

Present, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Earl Winchelsea, Earl of Aylesford, Lord Eldon, Lord Ellenborough, Sir W. Grant, (the Duke of Montrose being absent, on account of indisposition.)— We, the Members of the Council, here present, appointed to assist Her Majesty in the execution of the trust committed to her Majesty, by virtue of the Statute passed in the 51st year of His Majesty's reign, entitled, " An Act to provide for the Administration of the Royal Autho rity, and for the care of His Majesty's Royal Person during the continuance of His Majesty's illness, and for the resumption of the exercise of the Royal Authority by His Majesty ;" having called before us and examined on oath the Physicians and other persons attendant on His Majesty, and having ascertained the state of His Majesty's health by such other ways and means as appear to us to be necessary for that purpose, do hereby declare the state of His Majesty's health, at the time of this our meeting, as follows:-That the indisposition with which His Majesty was afflicted at the time of the passing of the said Act does still so far exist, that His Majesty is not yet restored to such a state of health as to be capable of resuming the personal exercise of his Royal Authority,

That His Majesty appears to have made material progress towards recovery since the passing of the Act; and that a His Majesty's Physicians continue to express their expectations of such recovery. (Signed) C. CANTUAR', J. EBOR', WINCHILSEA, AYLESFORD, ELDOn, Ellenborough, W. GRANT.

ANHOLT.-Letter from J. W. Maurice, com

manding a Detachment of Marines at Anholt, to Sir James Saumarez, giving an Account of the Repulse of the Danes from that Island.-March 27, 1811.

(Concluded from p. 928.)

I took the field with Major Torrens (who, though wounded, insisted on accompanying me) and Lieutenant and Adjutant Steele; but as our prisoners were so namerous, and as we had no place of security in which to place them, I could only employ on this occasion the brigade of

howitzers under Lieutenants R. C. Steele | Master Fischer senior Subaltern, Lieute-
nant and Adjutant Steele, Lieutenants
Stewart, Gray, Ford, Jellico, Atkinson,
and Curtayne, all merit my warmest ac-
knowledgments for the assistance they af-
forded me. Lieutenant Bezant, of the
R. M. Artillery, deserves every commend-
ation I can give him for his cool and able
judgment in the direction of the guns on
the Massareene battery. Lieutenant Turn-
bull, who acted as Captain of the Light
Company, when we pursued the reserve,
manifested such zeal and energy, that I
have no doubt, had we brought the enemy
again to action, he would have borne a
very conspicuous part. I cannot suffici-
ently express my thanks to Captains
Baker and Stewart of the Tartar and Shel-
drake, for their great exertions to get
round to the Flotilla; and had the wind
the least favoured them they would have
destroyed the whole.-I am happy to add,
that the property belonging to the mer-
chants has been fully protected without
meeting with the least loss.-The expedi-
tion sailed from the Randers, commanded
by Major Melsteat (an officer of great dis-
tinction), and consisted of the following
corps-2d Battalion of Jutland Sharp
Shooters, 4th Battalion 2d Regiment of
Jutland Yagers, 1st Regiment of Jutland
Infantry, with some others, the names of
which cannot be ascertained.—I have the
honour to inclose the article of surrender,
a return of killed and wounded, and a list
of Danish officers killed and taken.
a return of ordnance stores taken.-I have
the honour to be, &c.-J. W. MAURICE,
Commandant.

and Besant, of the Royal Marine Artil-
lery, and part of the Light Company com-
manded by Lieutenant Turnbull. When
we arrived at the west end of the island,
we found that the enemy had formed on
the beach, and were protected by fourteen
gun-boats towed close to the shore. To
attack such a force, with four howitzers
and forty men, seemned an useless sacrifice
of brave men's lives: I therefore with the
advice of Major Torrens halted on the
hills, while I reluctantly saw the reserve
embarked under cover of the gun-boats,
and the flotilla take a final leave of the
island. I am happy to say, our loss has
not been so considerable as might have
been expected from so desperate an at-
tack, we having only two killed and thirty
wounded. The enemy has suffered se-
verely; we have buried between thirty
and forty of their dead, and have receiv-
ed in the hospital twenty-three of their
wounded, most of them have undergone
amputations, three since dead of their
wounds, besides a great number which
they carried off the field to their boats.
Major Melsteat, the commandant, fell in
the field; Captain Borgen; the next in
command, wounded in the arm; Captain
Prutz, Adjutant General to the Commander
of the forces in Jutland, lost both his legs;
since dead. The most pleasing part of
my duty is to bear testimony to the zeal,
energy, and intrepidity of the officers and
men I had the honour to command: to
particularise would be impossible; the
same ardour inspired the whole. To Lieu-
tenant Baker, next in command, who will
have the honour of delivering this dis-
patch, and will give you every informa
tion you may require, I am much indebt-
ed; his merit and zeal as an officer, which
I have some years been acquainted with,
and his volunteering with me on this ser
vice, claim my warmest esteem. Captain
Torrens, the senior officer of the Royal
Marines, and who acted as Commandant
of the Garrison, bore a conspicuous part
on this day, and although wounded, I did
not lose his valuable service and able sup-
port. The discipline and state of perfec-
tion to which he had brought the battalion
is highly creditable to him as an officer.
Lieutenant R. C. Steele, senior Officer of
Royal Marine Artillery, also claims my
warmest acknowledgments for the ar-
rangements he made, which enabled us to
keep up so heavy and destructive a fire.
Captain Steele, Lieutenant and Quarter-

Article of Surrender.

Also

"The Commanding Officer of the troops of his Danish Majesty occupied in the attack of Anholt, agrees to surrender prisoner of war at discretion, with all the troops, to the forces of His Britannic Majesty, with the reserve that their personal property shall be retained by them, and that, at the convenience of the Commander of the Island of Anholt, a cartel with unsealed letters shall be sent to Jutland. Given at Anholt, the 27th of March, 1811.-BORGEN, Captain and Commander in Chief of the Danish troops on Anholt.

DENMARK-Danish account of the attack upon Anhoult.-Copenhagen, March 31,

1811.

It was some time ago determined to

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