theirs the Laws!" They have all the grave | indeed, compelled the Americans to be- AMERICAN STATES.In another part of this Number, will be found a Letter from MR. PINCKNEY to LORD WELLESLEY upon the subject of the Orders in Council. -It is, I think, impossible to deny, that, through the whole of this letter, Mr. PINCKNEY is unanswerable. The Berlin and Milan Decrees were revoked, and, according to our promise, we should have revoked the Orders in Council.. -But, while this is decidedly my opinion, far be it from me to regret the consequences of our non-compliance. I mean the Acts which have been passed in America, to prevent any importation from England, and which I look upon as greatly favourable to the real interests of both countries. The former interruptions to intercourse were productive of much good; but this will, I hope, put an end to the unnatural dependence upon each other, which was so mischievous to England as well as to America. The truth is, that it is, and long has been, the policy of those statesmen, who have now the predominance in America, to wean that country from this. The close connection between them they looked upon, and very justly, as tending to disturb the peace of America, because it kept alive a party hostile to the very nature of the Social Contract. To see their country liable, at any time, to be plunged into distress, unless it submitted to the will of another nation, was what they could not endure. Experience has convinced them that America can dispense with European manufactures; and, therefore it is, that they now assume a tone of more indifference than upon any former occasion." unpardonable.”—It is very curious to Mr. PINCKNEY'S Letter contains, in the very tone of it, a proof of the indifference of the American government as to any accommodation with ours. Those who have been anticipating, that the non-importation Act would not pass, do not appear to have perceived how much the circumstances of America are altered of late -The fact is, that the Bank of the United observe the similarity in the language. D ing an increase of corn and meat and wool. They appear not to have any notion of the force of bank notes in causing sunshine and showers and pulverizing frosts. Bedlam does not appear to have extended its philosophy so effectually to that country yet, notwithstanding the crowds of English merchants there settled.The Americans are a cool, sensible, observing race of men. They have, too, had ample experience on the subject of paper-money; and it is no wonder, especially when they cast their eyes this way, that they resolve to tolerate nothing of the kind of a national Bank, out of which they must be sure, that a national debt, would soon grow, and, what a national debt produces they well know from our sad example. War and taxation are as necessary to a funding system as blood and bone are necessary to the human body; and, in time, war and taxation produce what we now see and feel.Our prints would fain persuade us, that these Acts against importation and against the bank, in America, are the work of a mere faction; that they have been passed for selfish purposes; and that they are disapproved of by the people. But, why should we believe this? If, indeed, the Congress were not chosen by the people; if none but here and there a knot of bribed miscreants had the privilege of voting for Congressmen; if these latter were themselves a set of base jobbers; if the President, or his Secretary, in one way or another, could, through the means of these sham Representatives and Senators, buy and sell the people like cattle at a fair; if, in short, the Congress of America, were, like the Corps Legislatif, a set of purchased, perjured, knaves, intermixed with a due proportion of fools and cowards; if this were the case, then, indeed, there might be some reason for treating their decisions as the result of some villainous bargain, in which their own immediate profit was uppermost, or as the effect of an uniform desire to support a system, through the means of which the people were oppressed and robbed with impunity. But, being really chosen by the people, and chosen annually too, they must be supposed to speak the wish of the people, whether that wish be wise or foolish. -It seems to me, that this state of things between England and America is fortunate for both countries, but more particularly for the former, whose only chance of salvation lies in a speedily betaking herself to the cultivation of her own natural and | mighty internal resources and in casting off at once all dependence upon external commerce. If I am asked, how the taxes are to be raised without external commerce, and how, if the taxes fall off, the interest of the national debt is to be paid; I answer, that these are no affairs of mine; that my anxiety extends no further than the preservation of England and Scotland and Ireland, one independent country, inhabited by a free and happy people; but, that, I beg to observe, that, if the taxes and the fundholders' interest depend upon external commerce, there is a strong probability that they will both suffer a great diminution. House of Commons has had laid before it a Letter from the Viscount Talavera, dated in October Ïast, upon the subject of yielding relief to those persons in Portugal, who have suffered from the operations of the war. Upon the report in this Letter, it would seem, that the grant of 100,000l., to these sufferers has been made, after a Message to that intent from his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent.But, by a reference to the letter, the reader will perceive, that his Excellency the Lord Marshall does not suggest the necessity, nor, indeed, the propriety, of parliamentary relief, but of relief from the charitable disposition of the good people of this country, whose usual benevolence he takes this opportunity most aptly to extol; and, having determined upon the propriety of the thing, he, without seeming to entertain any doubts as to its practicability, leaves LORD LIVERPOOL nothing to do but "to consider of the mode of recommending "the Portuguese to the charitable dispo"sition of his Majesty's subjects." Now, why was not this plan pursued? It certainly would have been preferable to a parliamentary grant; because it would have afforded those who love the Portuguese and their cause a fair opportunity of evincing it; while, on the other hand, it would have left no room for grumbling amongst those who may think that Por tugal has already cost us a great deal too much, and that, in spite of all appearances, or, rather, reports, to defend a people, except in the character of auxiliary, is impossible.I approve of the LORD MARSHALL's plan; and, doubtless, those who have always been for the war in Spain and Portugal, would have chearfully contributed towards the relief of the poor crea loaf each. This is liberality and charity Let tures, who have so severely suffered from that war.--Whether the war was, on our part just or unjust, wise or foolish, is not here the question; the question is whether the poor unfortunate wretches who have suffered from it ought to be relieved from this country, and this is a question, which, I think, must be decided in the affirmative, unless, indeed, we could make France afford them relief, which is not very probable. There can be no doubt, that, if it had not been for us, the poor creatures would not have had their country ravaged in the manner that they have. To be sure, what we have done, and are doing, is all for their good; but, still, they ought to be compensated for their losses, because, as to individuals, at any rate, there is no satisfactory proof, that they invited us to their country.It may be said, that it is better for them to suffer loss of goods and chattels and even loss of life, than to let the French have the government of the country in their hands; that, compared to this, hanging or drowning or shooting would be nothing. This is going a good way: farther than our life-and-fortune-men would like to go, I believe. But, let it be so, still we went to Portugal without being actually sent for by the people at large, and, therefore I am decidedly for their being compensated for their losses and sufferings by us. But, then, I am for the mode pointed by the Lord Marshall. I am for leaving the honour of relieving the Portuguese to those who were for the war in Portugal. To them belongs the merit of making and abetting the war, and I would by no means deprive them of the pleasure of paying the expences of it. -Before I quit this subject, I cannot --Not a word, however, do we hear of help remarking how unanimous the HonMEETINGS for this purpose! Whither ourable House was as to the vote of a hunare fled all the choice spirits of good old dred thousand pounds to the Portuguese. full-blooded Anti-Jacobin times; No Mr. PONSONBY Seconded the motion. All meetings at the Mansion House! No was harmony. And, in the other House, meetings at Lloyds!! No Turtle Patriot the harmony was, if possible, still more meetings; Why, the very Turtle and striking; and LORD WELLESLEY, when Turbot and Venison and Wine that were he proposed the measure, talked about that swallowed upon the proclaiming of this" distinguished warrior," his brother, in war would have fetched half the money now granted to the poor, miserable, naked, starving and lacerated wretches that it has produced, What! A hundred thousand Pound! Spirit of Voluntary Contributions, whither art thou fled! Art gone amongst the worms to seek the great statesman "now no more?" What! A hundred thousand pounds! Why it is not above a shilling a head for the poor creatures. It is not enough to get them one single quartern strains that really were quite moving.- It is, to be sure, shameful, to the last degree, to hear boastings like those of the last week. Why, what is it, after all? What have we gained? Who have we beaten? What place, or what men, or what cannon have we taken? When the French were following our army, we said, that our General was not running away; but that he was drawing the French after him. Why do we not allow that the same may now be the case as to the enemy? What a shame! How foolish is this! What shall we gain by it in the end? Is it not better to speak modestly and truly of such things; and, especially until we know the result of the war. It is by the result that the victory is known.--Besides, we always seem to forget the cost of this war. We seem to forget, that the French General has maintained his army in the country, and that ours has been maintained by the draining of England. Only consider what shipping we have had attendant upon this our army, carrying it supplies of all sorts, and having transports constantly at band to bring it off, if necessary. We seem to forget this. And, then, we maintain that all the people in Portugal are enemies of the French. So that they have all sorts of difficulties to encounter. They are in an enemy's country; they have no communication with home; they have no supplies but what they collect upon the spot; no shipping; no external resources; while we have a fleet the seamen of which are half as numerous as their army; and, yet they have been able to keep their ground, to lie in front of us, aye, and to hem us up for six months.But, after all, what was Massena to do, if we did not go out of our lines? If our general resolved not to stir out, it was useless for the French to lie where they were. The question of victory is to be settled by the result; and as to that no man can yet know any thing. If, indeed, Spain and Portugal shall be finally freed of the French, completely freed, and made independent, then it may be said, that we have been victorious; but, not 'till then. And, in the mean while, I beseech my credulous and easily-amused countrymen to remember how many cannon-firings and illuminations and what huzzaings, took place for our victories, during the American War. WM. COBBETT. State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday, OFFICIAL PAPERS, ENGLAND. REPORT of the Queen's Council, on the State of His Majesty's Health.-Queen's Lodge, Windsor, April 6, 1811. Present, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Earl Winchelsea, Earl of Aylesford, Lord Eldon, Lord Ellenborough, Sir W. Grant, (the Duke of Montrose being absent, on account of indisposition.)— We, the Members of the Council, here present, appointed to assist Her Majesty in the execution of the trust committed to her Majesty, by virtue of the Statute passed in the 51st year of His Majesty's reign, entitled, " An Act to provide for the Administration of the Royal Autho rity, and for the care of His Majesty's Royal Person during the continuance of His Majesty's illness, and for the resumption of the exercise of the Royal Authority by His Majesty ;" having called before us and examined on oath the Physicians and other persons attendant on His Majesty, and having ascertained the state of His Majesty's health by such other ways and means as appear to us to be necessary for that purpose, do hereby declare the state of His Majesty's health, at the time of this our meeting, as follows:-That the indisposition with which His Majesty was afflicted at the time of the passing of the said Act does still so far exist, that His Majesty is not yet restored to such a state of health as to be capable of resuming the personal exercise of his Royal Authority, That His Majesty appears to have made material progress towards recovery since the passing of the Act; and that a His Majesty's Physicians continue to express their expectations of such recovery. (Signed) C. CANTUAR', J. EBOR', WINCHILSEA, AYLESFORD, ELDOn, Ellenborough, W. GRANT. ANHOLT.-Letter from J. W. Maurice, com manding a Detachment of Marines at Anholt, to Sir James Saumarez, giving an Account of the Repulse of the Danes from that Island.-March 27, 1811. (Concluded from p. 928.) I took the field with Major Torrens (who, though wounded, insisted on accompanying me) and Lieutenant and Adjutant Steele; but as our prisoners were so namerous, and as we had no place of security in which to place them, I could only employ on this occasion the brigade of howitzers under Lieutenants R. C. Steele | Master Fischer senior Subaltern, Lieute- and Besant, of the Royal Marine Artil- Article of Surrender. Also "The Commanding Officer of the troops of his Danish Majesty occupied in the attack of Anholt, agrees to surrender prisoner of war at discretion, with all the troops, to the forces of His Britannic Majesty, with the reserve that their personal property shall be retained by them, and that, at the convenience of the Commander of the Island of Anholt, a cartel with unsealed letters shall be sent to Jutland. Given at Anholt, the 27th of March, 1811.-BORGEN, Captain and Commander in Chief of the Danish troops on Anholt. DENMARK-Danish account of the attack upon Anhoult.-Copenhagen, March 31, 1811. It was some time ago determined to |