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render the army unnecessary by doing away the discontents of the people of Ireland; and yet, would these venal men fain persuade us, that the Prince's known disposition to adopt measures calculated to remove those discontents is one reason` why he should not be entrusted with the powers belonging to a King of the United Kingdom! He ought not, according to them, to be entrusted with kingly powers, because he would, in this instance, at least, adopt measures likely to restore harmony to the people, and to place the country in a state of secure defence; because (for there is the rub) he would adopt measures likely to make the people of one part of the kingdom an united people, than which there is nothing that venal and corrupt men more sincerely dread.It is, as applied to this point, asked, how would the King feel, if, upon his recovery, he were to find, that the measure concerning which he had such scruples, had been adopted during his incapacity? The argument is a monstrous one, to be sure. It outrages common sense. Yet, it is no wonder to hear it urged, considering the quarter whence it comes. What a pretty state must the country be in, however, if such an argument were to have any weight? Admit this argument, and there is, at once, an end of all notion of the Kingly Office being established and upheld for the good of the people. It becomes a personal property, and the exercise of it dependent upon mere whim and caprice. What lessons of republicanism are these " loyal" writers now inculcating! They have long told us of the scruples of the King; these scruples have long been urged as an obstacle to a measure so anxiously desired by a considerable part of his subjects, a measure promised by one set of ministers and actually brought, in part, into parliament by another set of his ministers, where it was received without any opposition, and was proceeding towards its accomplishment, till those scruples were expressed; the King, who had those scruples, is now declared in a state of incapacity, in a state between delirium and insanity, in a state of mental

pledge would be faithfully redeemed. This venal gentleman affects to take it amiss, that the Prince's intellects are, by Mr. O'CONNELL, supposed to be less liable to expose him to be imposed upon than those of his venerable Father are so to expose the latter. This is very fine, to be sure, and especially after the publication of the evidence of the Physicians, who have given proofs of the melancholy state of his Majesty's mind.--It is, besides, notorious, that the objection to the measure of what has been called Catholic Emancipation, was, the scruples of the King. How far it was constitutional, or decent, to urge such an objection to a measure proposed to parliament, I shall not now inquire; but, as to the fact, nobody will attempt to deny it; and, if the Prince has no such scruples, the measure would by him, if he were unshackled, be, of course, assented to, and, indeed, brought forward by his ministers.So far from the Prince's disposition towards the Catholics being an argument in favour of any limitations that might tend to thwart his views and clog his measures, it is a strong argument against all such limitations, with all those, at least, who desire to see Ireland tranquillized, and rendered invulnerable to the attempts of the enemy. The state of Ireland is not better known to us, than it is to that enemy. He regards Ireland almost as an ally. He may be mistaken in his opinion; but, while our venal prints themselves declare, that a regular army is necessary to keep Ireland safe, can we blame the enemy for his opinion? These venal men tell you, that Ireland is harrassed with French machinations and factions. How did they come there? How comes it that Ireland engenders these factions and , machinations? Why, because the people are discontented; and, therefore, the way to put an end to the French factions and machinations, is, to put an end to the discontents of the people. That the Prince, if left unshackled, would do this, there can be no doubt; and would not this be a very great blessing to the country? I mean, not merely to Ireland, but to the kingdom at large; for, those are very narrow-derangement; and, we are now to look sighted people who suppose, that England is not affected by this discontented state of Ireland. We help to maintain the army, which we are told is so necessary to the guarding of Ireland. We pay fifteen parts out of seventeen of the expence of maintaining that army. From this expence we should be relieved by measures that would

upon it as a bar to giving his son full powers to act in his stead, lest he, when he recovers, if he should recover, should feel displeased at this measure having been adopted during his incapacity! Any thing so monstrous as this has seldom been broached in private conversation, and to put it in print requires, one would think,

more impudence and more perfect con- | tempt of public opinion, than has ever been known to be possessed by mortal man. If such an argument can have any weight, what a state, I again ask, must this nation be in? To what a degree of degradation must we be fallen if such an argument can have weight with any considerable number of people? Nay, the bare commission of it to print is but too strong a proof of the tameness, not to call it cowardice, which the writer, at least, believes to exist in the nation; for, were not such his opinion of the public, he never would have ventured to use such an argument.- -Another argument against vesting the Prince with full powers, is, that, if unchecked, he might put an end to the wars in Spain and Portugal; and, then, if the King should recover his senses, what would be his feelings to see his measures, as to this important point, totally changed. This was the argument made use of by corrupt men at the outset of the disputes upon the Regency question; and, indeed, it was saying nothing more than that, if the Regent changed the ministers, he would do all that was wrong; and the plain truth is, that the limitations upon him are nothing more, and can be nothing more, than so many means in the hands of those who would be in opposition to his new ministers, to thwart his views and his measures. It does not suit the yenal writers to say, in plain terms, that measures ought to be taken to render it impossible for the Prince to go on without keeping the same ministers that now are in place; that, if he will not agree to keep them, he ought to be so hampered as to be nearly disabled from carrying on the government; it does not suit them to say this in plain terms, but that this is what they mean there can be no doubt at all, and to this object have all their efforts tended. And, indeed, why not this as well as any of the other reasons? For, what would be more likely to injure the King's feelings, than finding, upon his recovery, that his servants had been dismissed? It would, therefore, be much fairer dealing, if the venal and corrupt authors of the divers publications in question were, at once, to tell us, that they wish for such limitations as shall compel the Regent to keep the present men in their places, during his and their natural lives.The public have often heard me say, that the venal and corrupt, who have been incesantly accusing us of Jacobinical princi

ples and traitorous views and intentions; that the venal and corrupt crew; that tribe of hypocrites, who have assumed the appellations of " the loyal," and "the King's "friends;" the public have often been told by me, that this crew have a regard for the kingly government only in so much as it may be useful to them in their venal and corrupt practices; and, that, if they were once to perceive, that they could no longer profit from it in this way, they would not scruple to become its most deadly enemies.This I have always thought. It was reasonable that it should

be so.

But, though I am not, when I reflect, at all surprised at what I now see, I did not, I must confess, expect to see such undisguised hostility as these corrupt men now discover towards the Prince of Wales and his Brothers, who have come in for their share, from the moment it was known, that they also were opposed to a limited Regency; that is to say, that they were opposed to the measure intended to keep part of the kingly power in the hands, in all probability, of those men who are now in place; the moment the venal and corrupt writers discovered this, they fell, tooth and nail, upon the Prince's Brothers as well as upon himself.The history of the Protest of the Royal Dukes has been given in the preceding Volume, at page 1297, but, as the Copies of the papers which passed between them and Mr. PERCEVAL have not been before inserted by me, I here subjoin them in a note *.

* Letter to Mr. PERCEVAL, dated, Wednesday night, 12 o'clock, 12th Dec. 1810.— SIR; The Prince of Wales having assem bled the whole of the male branches of the Royal Family, and having communicated to us the plan intended to be proposed by, his Majesty's Confidential Servants, to the Lords and Commons, for the establishment of a restricted Regency, should the continuance of his Majesty's ever-to-be-deplored illness render it necessary; we feel it a duty we owe to his Majesty, to our Country, and to Ourselves, to enter our solemn Protest against measures we consider as perfectly unconstitutional, as they are contrary to, and subversive of the principles which seated our Family upon the Throne of this Realm.-(Signed)Frederick; William; Edward; Ernest; Augustus Frederick; Adolphus Frederick; William Frederick.

Mr. Perceval's Answer, dated, Downing Street, 20th Dec. 1810, shall be inserted in the next Number.

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"what measures shall or shall not come before "Parliament. Shew us the Ministry that "shall, in future, attempt any great mea

-After this protest, there could remain "ed Regent. "Once a Captain, always no doubt as to the part which the Princes" a Captain," it is said in the play, and so, would take; and, as I before observed, "no doubt, will say the Princes. "Your from that moment the venal and corrupt | " Royal Highness the Regent has called fell upon them without mercy; and, since" upon us, in our character, as a Class, as the Debate in the House of Lords, in which "Princes, as the Blood Royal, to exercise the Dukes of Sussex and of York took so "our initiative on the proceeding founding decided, so manly, and so efficient a part, your Government; and if we have the the rage of the corrupt writers, of all sizes" power upon the most important measure, we and descriptions, has been unbridled. They "must, of course, have it upon inferior prohave now shown themselves in their true ceedings. In future, therefore, we shall colours; their mortification has now de- "assemble in a body, discuss and decide deprived them of the use of their hypocrisy upon every step in the contemplation of and cant; they seem to have made up "Government. We have got a veto, and their minds that fawning and professed" are established in the right of deciding loyalty can no longer serve their turn; and they have now given the public a specimen of what they can do in the way of degrading dignities and pulling down sures, without the previous sanction of our kingly government. The article, which "initiative! We; the superior class in the I am about to insert from the COURIER " State, the Princes, the Blood Royal!" news-paper of the 31st of December sur- "Such might justly be the language of passes, perhaps, any thing of the kind."the Princes, if their Protest were any There is certainly nothing to beat it either " thing more than waste paper, at which in PAINE or in BARLOW; and, the reader" the lowest Clerk in the Treasury must sneer. has only to bear in mind the print that it "Sad and melancholy is the prospect to the comes from! for then he will be at no "Country arising from this most unwise loss to guess at its source, and at the real "and unconstitutional proceeding! Who object of its author. After inserting it I" is the evil genius that could advise the shall offer such remarks upon it as it seems" Prince of Wales to resort to it? It is to me to call for." The public jealousy "as unconstitutional and arbitrary in its “of the new Estate which has so unexpect nature, as the attempted cry against "edly sprung up in the realm, should not ""Fresh Taxes" for a due income to "be allowed to sleep. "The College of "support the Regent, is mean, narrow"Princes," asserting an initiative, is a new, "minded, and vulgar.-That the Princes, "extraordinary, and alarming institution in" themselves, have resorted to this course "this Country. One of the most important" of their own free will and mere notion, is "principles in our Constitution is, that pub-"a fact incredible. They must know, "lic servants shall be responsible. Hence "that as Princes, they were nothing it has been truly affirmed, that no son or "more than great Babies, with royal "brother of our King can constitutionally" Corals and Bells, just learning to walk in "be permitted to hold any office of trust, as "the paths of State; and that by making "family feeling would rescue him from "them English noblemen, with seats in Par"punishment in the event of misconduct."liament, the King breeched them into "A great and striking instance of this nature" political manhood. As Prince Ernest " lately occurred. But if that doctrine be" and Prince Adolphus they were nothing "sound, what should be our astonishment" more than great Boys, kindly regarded " at finding not a Prince or two holding by the public, but without power or "public offices, but a new class, a new "weight in the community; pretty crea" estate starting up to assert a right of giv-"tures for a Duchess to have dancing at "ing an opinion on any great measure in "her ball, but of no influence in the Go"the contemplation of Government. The "vernment. To give them this influence "College of Princes! Such a College ex- "they were made Peers of Parliament, to "isted in the Germanic Constitution, lately" associate them with the most powerful "laid low; but now, for the first time, it is "class they were made English Noble"heard of in the armies of Great Britain. "men of the most exalted rank. If the "The Princes protest against certain pro"character of Prince be not inferior to "ceedings contemplated for the establish- "that of Duke, why were they created? "ment of a Regency; their protest is" why not left with the title to which they "solicited and organized by the intend- "were born? As English Noblemen of the

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"highest title they command respect, be"cause their class is most eminently re"spectable. As Princes they sink back "into the character of great looby boys, "with toys and rattles. What evil genius "has persuaded them to drop their parliamentary for their princely character? "To take a step which, as they knew it "would be disregarded, must expose their "impotence and excite derision? Let "them act in Parliament, but let them "never be heard again in their princely "collective capacity, if they do not wish " to become obnoxious. The history of the class of French Princes is not for"gotten.". -Well said, "the loyal" Well said, King's friends!” Well said "Antijacobins!" Where is now Mr. YORKE'S" Jacobinical Conspiracy" to destroy the House of Brunswick? Where are all the associators against "Re"publicans and Levellers?" Where are now all, or any of, those myriads of "the loyal," who seemed ready to tear out the heart of MR. WARDLE about two years ago? Where are they all now?But, thus are our assertions completely verified. We always said, that when these corruption-mongers, these publishers of fawning paragraphs, these flatterers of the Princes, these varnishers of their faults, these hypocritical and canting slaves, these MEAN, MERCENARY and MALIGNANT men; we always said, that when these corruption-mongers should no longer find their private interest to square with the cry of" loyalty," they would discover themselves to be the most bitter of all the enemies of the Royal Family and of kingly government. And, here. we now see them actually at work to insult, degrade, and blacken the whole of the Princes in a lump; to hold them up as objects of public jealousy, and at the same time, as objects of contempt and derision. The lowest clerk in the Treasury, we are told, must sneer at their protest; and, we are told, that they have sunk back into great looby boys, in putting their names to that which must excite derision; and, further, that this act of theirs, gives the country a "sad and melancholy prospect" for the future.Leaving all these contemptuous expressions to be digested as they may by the persons upon whom they have been bestowed, and who may now, perhaps, begin to perceive, that there really are men in this kingdom, who would wish to see a power that should "lord it over king and people," let us take a

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view of the merits of the question. charge against the Princes, is, that they have arrogated to themselves the right of exercising a veto; the right of discussing and deciding upon every measure in the contemplation of Government; the right of deciding upon what measures shall, or shall not, come before Parliament. And, the assertion of this right is, by this loyal” man, put into the mouths of the Princes; they are, by him represented, as having erpressed themselves in those very terms; they are, by him, exhibited to the country in this odious light; and they are further represented as having called themselves the "College of Princes." And, upon that ground, he calls them a new estate started up in the realm; and, he thereupon asserts, in the fullness of his " loyalty," that the public jealousy is awakened against them, which he declares it to be his object not to suffer to sleep.-How barefacedly false this is the reader will not need be told, when he has read the Letter of the Princes to Mr. PERCEVAL, in which they do not call themselves a College;" in which the word college is not used; in which they assert no right at all to dictate to either any ministry or to either House of Parliament; in which they assert no right and hint at no right to decide upon, or to discuss, any measure to be brought before parliament; and, in which they do no one of the things which this man, this mouth-piece of corruption, has not only represented them as having done, but has hinted pretty broadly that the having done which ought to bring upon them the fate of the Princes of France.--But, " have they not meddled with a measure which

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was in the contemplation of the govern ment, and which was about to be sub"mitted to the parliament.' - To this question I answer, first, that, when we speak of the government, in this country, we always include the King as the head of it; and will it be pretended, that the King had this measure in his contemplation? The Princes were speaking, not to the government, as we understand that word, but to the servants of the King, who, it is well known, can legally do no act without his authority. There is, therefore, a great deal of difference between meddling, giving their opinion, upon a measure contemplated by the ministers, as they now are, and upon a measure that should be contemplated by the government with the King at its head.But, how came they to meddle with this mea

sure? What was it that gave rise to their not communicate it to a living soul? Was interference? Why, it was the notification he not to show it even to his Brothers? made by Mr. PERCEVAL to the Prince. It And, were not those Brothers, if they was Mr. Perceval who elicited the inter- chose, to express their opinions upon a ference. It was he who took the first step. thing, which a member of parliament had If the two Houses have a right to make submitted to the consideration of a person what sort of Regency they please, without out of the House, without incurring the charge any appeal to either Prince or People, of erecting themselves into a new estate, into why was the plan of the intended Regency a College, having a previous veto as to all communicated to the Prince at all? If it measures to be brought before parliawas right to communicate it to him, he, of ment?It is notorious, for we see the course, was expected to give his opinion fact stated in the public prints several upon it; he, of course, was, by those who times in every year, that, when the micommunicated it, supposed to have a right nister has (how properly I shall not now to express his approbation, or disapproba- decide) communicated some contemplated tion, of it; and, if he had this right, what parliamentary measure to the President, was there, and what can there be, to pre- or Chairman, or something else, of some vent his brothers from having a similar trading or mercantile body, the body of right; in short, what is there to prevent traders, after taking it into consideration, any man in the kingdom from having such a send him the result of their deliberations, right?—If to write a letter to Mr. Per- which is sometimes for, and sometimes ceval against a measure which he is going against, the contemplated measure; and, to propose to parliament, be to assert "a we have generally, or, at least, very often " right of deciding previously upon what seen the measure persevered in, aban" measures shall, or shall not, come before doned, or modified, agreeably to such deparliament;" if this be so, how is Mr. cision of the parties appealed to. But, in Perceval to find a justification for having case of the measure being persevered in, laid that measure previously before the did any one ever hear, or dream, of such Prince of Wales? He, in that act, did not, trading body being accused of dictating surely, mean to mock the Prince; he must, to the government or the parliament? however, so have meant it, if he did not Did any one ever attempt to represent such mean to lay it before him as a matter for body as having erected themselves into a his consideration as to its propriety, or im- new estate in the realm; as having aspropriety; and, if he was right in doing sumed a right to decide upon what should this; if he was right in submitting the and what should not be brought before measure to the Prince, to one of the Princes, parliament: as having assumed a right of for his approbation or disapprobation, had veto; as having erected themselves into not the other Princes a right to give their a College with a previous negative upon all epinions upon it too, they being all contin- parliamentary measures? Did any thing gently interested in whatever shall affect so absurd and so monstrous, so offensive the power and stability of the Kingly to truth and to common sense, ever before Office?—Mr. Perceval, in this transac- enter into the mind of man?--But, it is tion, can be considered merely as a member not folly by which these venal and corrupt of the House of Commons. In that House writers, of all sorts and in all forms, are he must propose the measure as a member actuated. They are actuated by the of the House. Any other member might blackest of malice, that which arises from propose it. Any other member has the the fear of being deprived of the profits of same right to do it that he has. He has their venality. They see, or they think hut a vote like other members. It was as they see, the days of delusion drawing to a member of parliament, then, that he com- a close; they fear that things will change municated his intention to the Prince of for the worse with them; they fear that Wales. How far this was right, or wrong, to be the steady advocates of corruption in a member of parliament, I shall not now will no longer be a thriving trade; and attempt to ascertain; but, of this I am they are ready to tear to pieces, to reduce quite sure, that the making of the com- to atoms, every thing which, to them, apmunication argues, on the part of him who pears to have this tendency. The cloak made it, a clear acknowledgment of the of "loyalty" will, they think, no longer right of the Prince to express his appro- serve their mercenary and corrupt purbation, or disapprobation, of it. And, was poses; they have, therefore, cast it off, he not to consult any one upon the subject? and are ready to destroy that to which Was he to keep the thing to himself, and they have so long affected an inviolable

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