SWEDEN. Declaration relating to England, Supplementary to the Declaration of War. Sweden, in breaking its alliance with England, and adopting its former political relations as much through inclination as recollection of events, has learned to understand by her own experience the results of the exclusive system which she has hitherto pursued. - The calamities which she has suffered, the multiplied losses which she has experienced, were the inevitable consequences of an impolitic and unequal war in which she engaged. Her interest and wants point out the course she ought in future to adopt.-Sweden, desiring nothing but the establishing in peace the forces that she still possesses, may hope to preserve a good understanding with every power, without being forced to make such war, which the recent loss of a third part of her territories would render still more bitter.-The treaties of peace concluded with France, Russia, and Denmark, who have adhered to the Continental system, had, it is true, placed Sweden, on equal terms with those powers; but these treaties did not insist on her entirely abandoning that system of neutrality which she desired to maintain.--Nevertheless, Sweden has found herself from that period always the mark for calumny, which has perhaps excited envy and hatred against her. She has been accused of not having punctually fulfilled the engagements which good faith, as well as the high character of the King, demanded. All the abuses which took place in the Baltic, to the advantage of English commerce, were imputed to her; and it was pretended, Sweden, by these circumstances, had thrown many obstacles in the way of the conclusion of a general peace.—His Majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy had considered it his duty to make some observations to the King, to do away all doubts which remained for resolving upon the true relation which ought to subsist between Sweden and Great Britain.-The King, who, under these circumstances, has before his eyes but the sentiments of consideration and attachment which he has vowed to his Imperial Majesty, and who even acknowledges that some actions relative to commercial engagements may have given some reason for well-founded com

plaints, convinced that it is his duty to declare, that the accumulated accusations against Sweden are false, has resolved to give new guarantees of his intentions, and of the fundamental principles upon which he will act for the future. His Majesty has in consequence declared war against England, and has ordered an immediate sequestration to be laid on all English ships, which contrary to appearances may be found in the ports of Sweden, in order to do away every accusation of having a secret understanding with England, or infidelity in not observing the importation of colonial products upon the Continent. He has renewed his severe decrees, formerly issued against introducing into Sweden goods of English manufacture, as well as colonial produce, of whatever kind it may be, without regard to the flag which may convey it, and to declare that he will not permit, under any pretext, the exportation of colonial merchandize or those of English manufacture, to the Continent. His Majesty will give the necessary orders for making the strictest inquiries respecting colonial products, or goods of English manufacture, which have been imported into Sweden, no matter under what flag, since the 24th of April last, and that according to law they shall be placed at the disposition of the King. The King, in making these sacrifices, of which experience will manifest the importance, has always proposed not only to express by it the attachment which he has promised to the person of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, but also to satisfy the desire which he has to contribute to the success of the Continental system, which has latterly had for its object a maritime peace. His Majesty, in uniting his efforts to those of the other Powers of the Continent, to accelerate this epoch, so interesting to humanity, will justify to his subjects the causes of the considerable losses which circumstances have made them suffer, and prove to all Europe that the establishing of peace upon the sea, and restoring commerce to its natural independence, has never depended on him. In consequence of this, the formal decla. ration of war against England shall be published in our periodical papers, and the most strict measures adopted to seize and confiscate colonial products, or goods of English manufacture.

long as they will; they may, as long as they please, pay impostors to sooth their cowardly fears, but all will not do. Ireland Ireland Ireland! will, maugre all their miserable devices, present herself to them in her true and formidable shape. -It is well worth our while to take a look at, and to put upon record, the reasons given, by the venal writers in Dublin, for the Circular, issued from the Castle upon this occasion. "This measure," says one of those venal men, "has not been resorted "to until the utmost necessity existed for its "adoption; and until it was called for by "every loyal man in Ireland, of every religious persuasion, interested in the peace "and preservation of the country. The "forbearance and lenity of the Irish Govern"ment have been tried to the utmost, and "in the spirit that has all along actuated "their conduct, of abstaining from strong "measures, until the last extremity, they "have hitherto refrained from enforcing "the Convention Bill; but the violent, 'intemperate, and mischievous conduct "of the leading Members of the Roman "Catholic Committee, and the measures "which they had in contemplation, have "compelled the Government to put the "Convention Bill in force."--Now, reader, compare this with the assertions contained in my motto. Look on this and on that description of Ireland.It is impossible for me to say, whether there was a necessity for the measure, even according to the notions which this writer seems to entertain. It might, by persons disposed to reason abstractedly, become a question, whether, in any case, such a measure ought to be adopted; because it might be contended, that the system to support which such a measure was neces sary ought not to be suffered to exist.

I shall not take the matter in this light, but shall consider the measure as having been adopted for the purpose of "preserving the country," as it is here said to have been.--That Ireland is, and long has been, in a very ticklish state, I know as well as most other people. The news-papers from that country contain abundant proofs of it, one of which I cannot refrain from citing here, just as I find it quoted into the London daily papers.—— "CLONMEL, MONDAY, 8 A. M.-Yesterday "evening, at five o'clock, the Right Hon. "the Chief Baron, accompanied by the "Solicitor General, Mr. Serjeant Moore, " &c. and escorted by the Sheriff, Bailiffs, "&c. and a troop of THE GERMAN

"LEGION, 'arrived in this town." A Judge, upon the circuit, entering an Assize-Town, under escort of a troop of dragoons of any kind is a fact that speaks a language not to be misunderstood. It speaks volumes. It gives the reader, at one glance, a complete idea of the state of the country. Therefore, I do not pretend to assert, that the enforcement of the Convention Act is not necessary to "preserve the country," or, more strictly speaking, the present system of rule; but, if it be neces sary for that purpose, how shamefully have the people of England been deceived; how grossly have they been cheated by these venal and corrupt writers! To the very last moment, were we told, that Ireland never was more peaceable and happy; and, as will be seen in the motto, we were desired to believe, that the season of danger was over, that the day was passed for the French to deceive and seduce the people of Ireland; yet, while we are told this in England; at the very moment that we are told this by our venal writers, the venal writers in Ireland are telling the people there, that strong measures are become absolutely necessary to "preserve the "country," by which must be meant, that the country is in danger of being given up by the persons aimed at in these strong measures; and, in that case, these persons cannot be supposed, to be few in number. The venal author of my motto calls NAPOLEON" the HUN;" that is to say, the imitator of the ancient Northern Chief, who over-ran a great part of Europe; and he tells us, that the HUN has "mur"dered liberty," for which reason it would be out of his power to deceive the people of Ireland by any of his invitations to revolt against their government; adding, that no people can now be deceived by such invitations.- -Very true. Nobody is so deceived, can be so deceived, and, give me leave to think, that no people ever have been so deceived. I do not believe, that the people of any of the countries subdued, or, rather, entered and taken pos session of, by France, have ever been deceived by any promises of the French. The French have got possession, not in consequence of the good which they were expected to bring, but in consequence of the evil which the people hoped they would put an end to. It is not love of the French that has smoothed the way for them, but hatred of those whose power the introduction of the French would naturally put an end to. The inroads of the French have

been favoured much more by a spirit of revenge than by a love of liberty.— -The venal writer of the COURIER is, therefore, deceived, or he wishes to deceive his readers, when he tells them, that the Irish would not listen to "THE HUN," because the Hux has murdered liberty. This is false reasoning; it leaves out the ingredient of revenge, the most powerful of the whole mass of those motives, which have operated in favour of the projects and conquests of France.--But, it seems, that the government docs view the matter in a light very different from that in which it is viewed by the COURIER; or, else, where is the justification for this measure of which we are speaking? If there be no danger; if the day of danger be gone by; if the HUN" is sure to find no adherents in Ireland (though by the by, he has very recently found some in Sweden), why adopt this measure? And, if there be danger, if the day of danger be not gone by; if it be necessary to adopt strong measures for "preserving the country,' it is, I think, too much for even this venal man to deny, that Ireland is an object which demands our serious and anxious attention.This invites us to view the matter in another light.Laying aside all considerations as to what ought, or ought not, to be done for the Catholics, who, be it borne in mind, compose about three fourths of the people of Ireland; laying aside all considerations of this sort, it, surely, behoves us to consider how we ourselves may be affected by what is now passing in Ireland. That it would be difficult for Napoleon to land any considerable body of troops in Ireland there can be no doubt. I would fain hope the thing to be impossible; but, for hope I must have some foundation. and here I have none; because, I have seen French troops, during war, make a landing in Ireland, and I look back with fearful forebodings for the future, to the effect produced by the landing of less than one thousand men.-- -Well, then, with this experience before us, should we not be excessively stupid, or, which is worse, guilty of criminal cowardice, if we were to rely, or affect to rely, upon it as being impossible for Napoleon to land a body of troops, and even a considerable army in Ireland?

sures are absolutely necessary to “preserve "the country." Preserve it against whom? Against whom is the country to be preserved? Against a few contemptible persons? Against men who have no power to do any thing of importance? It is a pretty story indeed to tell us, that strong measures are necessary to "preserve the country" against men who have no power to do the country any harm. What ought, in my opinion, to be done for the people of Ireland, I have before pointed out; and, if I am told, that I am a fool, and know nothing at all of the matter, I answer, that my scheme has not been tried. The ministers, and particularly the advocates of "the great statesman "now no more," will tell me, that they are the best judges of what ought to be done, in order to preserve Ireland, and, of course England, against the machinations and power of France; and that what they do, and have done, is all right, all that can be done, all that consummate wisdom joined to consummate integrity can possibly suggest. Well, but if this be the case, how fearful is our situation? For, it is now acknowledged that the state of Ireland is such as to demand strong measures "to preserve the country;" and, if every thing has been done that possibly can be done for the avoiding of this extremity, what, I again ask, is the state to which we are reduced? If consummate wisdom and integrity have nothing left but strong measures for the "preservation of the coun

"

try," is it not shameful, is it not insulting to the last degree, to tell us, that "the day of danger is gone by," and that "the "HUN" will find nobody any where, and especially in Ireland, to listen to his invitations to revolt?--It is very curious to observe the twist which the venal writers have taken upon the adoption of this measure in Ireland.It was amusing to watch for what the COURIER would say upon it. On Monday last, just nine days after he had published the article, from which my motto is taken, he, after having chewed the cud of imposture for a few days, opens himself thus:-" The mea"sure to which his Majesty's Ministers "have had recourse in Ireland; the exe"cuting the provisions of the Convention "Act (for it is not, as has been stated, a "revival of the Act, the Act having alIways been in force) seems to have been "forced upon them by the Opposition. Their "uniform attempt has been to persuade "Ireland that she has been purposely insulted