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and, of course, to have the same ministers, is
the only way to insure the safety and hap-
piness of the nation! This is excellent.
This is right on to the point; and it is
what I defy the Morning Chronicle to
controvert. We shall now hear from this
venal man of the COURIER no more in-
sinuations against the Prince of Wales;
no more threats to revive "unpleasant

no more assertions of his "pecuniary em-
"barrassments having been the greatest
"cause of his unpopularity." We shall
now hear nothing more of this sort from
him. Nor do I think, that we shall
again hear him calling the other Princes
"GREAT BABIES." He will find all
of a sudden, that they have acted a very
wise part, especially if it be true, as we
are told in the news-papers, that some of
them were the bearers of the glad tidings
to Lord Eldon and Mr. Perceval. He
will now discover, that they are fit for
something more than "dancing at a
"Duchess's ball;" a discovery, which
the unfortunate OUTS have, with lips half
bitten through, already made.--The
MORNING POST, too, lifts its hoof at the
fallen party, now that it sees them down.
It has been pricking up its long ears for
some days past; it has been braying out
some very significant compliments to the
Prince; and, now back goes its hoof in
a jerk at those very men, whom, only ten
days ago, it denominated "highly respect-
"able individuals," as distinguished from
"Sir Francis Burdett and his crew."-
It is worth while to hear a little of what
this man now says, being, however, very
cautious how we believe him.-The
Manifesto, of which he speaks, is the article
above quoted from the Morning Chronicle.

"What answer the noble personages re"turned to the Prince's Message we know "not.--The Morning Chronicle has "thrown a veil over it, only assuring us "briefly that they received the "intima""tion in a way corresponding with their "" high character and their just sense of ""the public interests." Both Lord "Grenville and Earl Grey had long au"diences of his Royal Highness yester-"discussions as to his pecuniary affairs;" "day. But if the Prince is convinced of "the danger and injury that would arise "from a change of ministers, why cannot "the party suppose that his Majesty's "ministers are equally sensible of it "themselves? The Regent of course "would have had the power to deprive "them of office, and to call others to his "Councils, but their retirement would not "have been their own act. This was ex'plicitly stated when their dismissal was "determined upon and made public. A "fortiori, they will not think it their duty "to resign, now that the Regent has not "fied his sense of the danger that would "accrue from a change of men and mea"sures.-This resolution of the Regent to "walk in the steps of his father has brightened the prospect before us. It "has placed his character, both public and "private, in the most amiable point of "view. He feels that it is only by keep"ing the principles of his Father steadily "in view that he can preserve the nation "in its present situation of unequalled "pride and glory and power, commanding "the world.-The Regent will be sworn "in before the Privy Council to-morrow, " and it is probable that both Houses will "adjourn to Monday next, when his "Royal Highness will go down in state, " and open the Session. In the acclama"tions that will be bestowed upon him in his "The Manifesto to which we allude "procession to the House, he will find the (for it clearly is a Manifesto, authorised "recompence and the approbation of the "by a part, at least, of the Opposition), "conduct he has determined to adopt."-In" gives us to understand, in the first place, the hey-day of his triumph, one must ex"that the determination to retain the precuse a little bombast, and, therefore, the sent Ministers was grounded upon the idea of the country being now placed in a "opinion given by the Physicians, upon situation" to command the world" may be " their examination by the Prince's Chanpassed over. But, what he says in some "cellor, of his Majesty's ultimate comother parts is delicious. It must be to the "plete recovery. Now, we undertake to balked party as pleasant as hot lead" assert, without fear of contradiction, poured down their backs. Yes, yes." that this examination took place very "The Prince has age and experience;" early in the last week; and we are disthe Prince is capable of forming a right" tinctly informed by the Organ of Op"judgment; and the Prince, having had "position, that it was not until Friday time and opportunity to examine into the "night that the resolution was taken, to matter, finds, that to pursue the system of "make no change in the Administrahis revered father, to tread in his step, "tion. We therefore believe it to be a

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contemptuous. What! after all that we have seen; after what has been before our eyes for the last three years; after the language of the men themselves and of their partizans for the last three months only; nay but the last week, are we to be told, that they were solicitous to avoid place and power? This really is too impudent. If, however, this be their talk, they stand a good chance of being gratified to their heart's content; for, unless all my reasoning upon the subject be grossly erroneous, never will any set of men, with Lords GRENVILLE and GREY, or either of them at their head, be ministers again in this country. Their exclusion from political power appears to me to be irrevocably passed; and for my thinking so I will now state the reasons.--From what has been said above, there cannot, I think, remain, in the mind of any man of common sense, the smallest doubt, that the motives which have been alledged by the Morning Chronicle for the Prince's having changed his intention, have no foundation in truth.The real motives, in my opinion, were very different; and, it will be found, I think, upon examination, that, placed as the Prince was at last, it was impossible for him to do otherwise than he has done, unless he had resolved upon a total, a radical, change of system, at once, a prominent feature in which system would have been that reform of the Commons' House of Parliament, which has so long been the chief object with so large a part of the people.The Morning Chronicle tells us, that the two Lords had formed a famously good ministry: «an Administra"tion of more internal strength, by the ties of "mutual friendship, of more public influence, " by talents, integrity, and stake in the coun

«misrepresentation as important as it is complete, to say that the resolution «followed the report of the Physi"cians ;-important, as well because it "is calculated to support the assertion "that there were no difficulties in the arrangement of the projected Government, "as because it implies that it was at the "advice of the Noble Lords who, as we "were given to understand, were com"manded to prepare the new lists, that "the change of Ministry was rendered dependent upon the state of his Majesty's health. We assert, without any "fear of contradiction, that at the very "moment in which the determination "was communicated to the Noble Lords, "they were engaged in discussing their "projects of a new Administration; the "communication, (if we are not more grossly misinformed than, as we suspect, "the Morning Chronicle will tell us that "we are) so far from being the result of "any advice or opinion submitted to the "Royal Personage by the Noble Lords, "was a complete surprise upon the whole party, who rather expected a message "to hasten their deliberations, than one "which put a stop to them altogether. These facts would perhaps be of "little importance, if they did not entirely overturn a delusion, which it is, "evidently enough, the purpose of the "Manifesto to encourage, namely, that "every preparation for forming a new "Administration originated with the "Great Person himself; that it was with "exceeding reluctance that the Noblemen "and Gentlemen who were intended to "compose it, consented to take upon them"selves so heavy a burden; and that to be "relieved from it was to them a cause of "unspeakable joy! This representation is equally untrue and mischievous; that it is untrue, the language of every per"son concerned, throughout the whole "of Saturday and Sunday, before, in short, "the Manifesto was issued to convince "them that they were the luckiest of hu"man beings, will sufficiently testify; its "mischief appears in the disloyal and dishonest attempt to fix upon his Royal "Highness the desire of changing the Govern-ple.Whether there had been any dif "ment, and upon those whose wishes were "to be gratified by the change, nothing but "an humble obedience to his Royal Com“mand!”—This is all fair. To an attempt to make the public believe, that the OUTS did not wish to come into power, it is impossible to affix any epithet too

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try, than ever has been submitted to any Prince; one united, compact body of "men, all holding the same principles, and "all animated by the same views.' This is a very fine description. Here are friendship, INFLUENCE, talents, integrity, and STAKE, (that is to say money,) and principles; but what principles is not stated; nor is there a word said about what this fine ministry would have done for the peo

ferences as to who should compose the mi nistry is more than I can say; but, if I may judge from the past, a ministry elected by Lords Grenville and Grey would have excluded almost the whole of those, to whom the Prince was most attached; and, if he was thus to be treated, it is very

clear, that it was, as far as personal feeling when the immense patronage of the went, better for him to keep the present Household; when the privy purse; when men, who, I believe, had always treated all these were taken from him, how was he him and his particular friends much better to go on with a dead majority against him in than they were treated by the late ministry. both Houses of Parliament? It is nonsense --I shall be told, that these are consider- to talk about his choice or his wishes or ations that ought not to have much weight his affections or his commands to form a in so momentous a case. Very true. They ministry; I ask, how he was to go on? ought not; but, it is quite impossible to There was only one way of even attempt. divest ourselves of all feeling; and, thoughing to go on under such circumstances, and I am disposed not to ascribe any very great that was, first proposing a reform of parliaweight to these considerations, still they ment, and then, whether that proposition must have some weight given to them. were rejected or not, dissolving the parlia-There were two sets of ministers ment, or in the words of the King's talked of. One, with Lord HOLLAND at its speech of 1807, " appealing to the sense head, and the other with Lords Grenville" of the people." "of the people." This was This was the only and Grey, for these two are always put course left to be pursued. This course together. From the former, the people was not to be expected from Lords would have expected something: from the Grenville and Grey. To follow it he latter, nothing. It was supposed, with must have chosen other men, if such what correctness I know not, that his Royal men had been to be found. His only choice Highness, the Prince, leant towards the lay, therefore, between the present system former; but, it was, at the same time, very whole and unmixed, and untouched, and evident, especially after the Restrictions parliamentary reform. There was no midwere carried, that he could not, with- dle course for him to pursue. In short, to out a dissolution of Parliament, go on represent the things by persons, his choice with a ministry so composed.It is lay between Mr. PERCEVAL and SIR FRANlikely that the bent of his mind was to- CIS BURDETT, and I am sure the OUTS, wards Lord HOLLAND, and men of that who so manfully " rallied round" the description; and, at any rate, it must be former against the latter, cannot, when supposed, when we look back to 1806, they have taken time to reflect (and time that he would not, if he had had his free enough they will have for reflection) do choice, have delivered up himself and his otherwise than commend the choice that particular friends into the hands of Lords has been made. When Mr. MADOX made Grenville and Grey.The probabilities his motion, his ever-memorable motion are, therefore, that he had not, from the about the seat-selling, the OUTS“ rallied beginning, any liking to a ministry of round" Mr. Perceval; they defended, their forming; and, if he did give his they justified him; they, therefore, ought commands to them to form a ministry, to be amongst the last men in this whole the progress might more and more tend world to find fault of the present choice of to convince him that he should do better his Royal Highness; and, as to the people, with the present men than with them. if they find one free man in all England to --This, however, I give to the reader join them in finding fault of Mr. Perceas mere conjecture; but, I think, it is evi- val's being preferred to them, I will acdent, that, situated as he was at last, he knowledge that I know nothing at all of could not have gone on with a ministry of the disposition of my countrymen. their making up; that he could not, by Now, as to their future prospects; I mean any means, in the present state of the the future prospects of those who would parliament, have carried the government have composed a ministry with Lords on for a week with such a ministry.If Grenville and Grey at the head of it.the Regency had been given to him with We are told by the Morning Chronicle, out restrictions (which restrictions, be it that the Prince has intimated to them, observed, Lord Grenville supported,) such a that, when he is at liberty to pursue his ministry might have gone on as well, or, own plans, he will avail himself of their rather as ill, as the ministry of 1806, com- talents.We have before remarked posed of the same persons. But, when upon the injury that this assertion (if bethe power of making peers; the power lieved) is calculated to do to the character of granting pensions; the power of grant- of the Prince: it only remains for us to ing office for life or in reversion; when remark upon the folly of indulging any the control over the Crown Lands; hope in the prospect that it holds out.

If the King recover speedily, there is, at once, an end to the hopes of those who entertain this expectation of future favour. He will either recover speedily, or he will not; if the latter, then, let it be observed, that Mr. Perceval is still Minister, that it is he who hos all the current patronage, and, which is a great deal more, he is sure to be King's Minister again; he is, in fact, Minister in reversion, if the King recover during Mr. Perceval's life; he has, from this peculiarity of circumstances, a footing far more solid than any Minister ever had before.--This will give him great weight amongst those with whom he has to do, and whose support it is most material for him to have. Being now the Prince's adviser, he will be the person to be consulted as to the granting of pensions, places for life, and the like; and, then, the restrictions will, in fact, in this respect, be of no consequence; for, whatever the Prince may be advised to grant, will, of course, be confirmed, in case of the resumption of the royal authority by the King Are the OUTS not aware of all this? Do they not perceive, how much easier and pleasanter the Prince will get on with Mr. Perceval, than he could have got on with them?There is now nothing that His Royal Highness may wish to do for any one attached to his person (so that the party to be served meddle not with politics) which will not readily and cheerfully be done. Nay, I should not wonder much if MR. TIERNEY and another or two were admitted into the buildings at Whitehall; but, as for the ministry makers, the men of "stake," never will they again put their noses into those buildings. But," at the end of the year the restrictions "expire." Yes; so they do; but, a year is a long while many things happen in a year; and, if all other matters hold together till next February, Mr. Perceval must be a very lame man indeed if he be not much more powerful than he now is, and if the Prince have not much stronger reasons for keeping him in than he had for choosing him.In short, with the Grenvillites and the Greyites the game is up; completely up. They thought, and I told them they were deceived, that they could go on without an appeal to the people. They have already found themselves deceived. Hitherto in England there have been a court party and a country party; the King's party and the people's party; but, here we had a party, who would acknowledge neither. A party composed of

men of "stake.” Well, let them keep their "stake;" but, let them not hope, that the people care a straw about their stake. |--One comfort will be, that all their apprehensions will now be removed about the King being brought out again before he be perfectly recovered. We shall now hear no expressions of alarm upon this score. All parties will now be perfectly agreed as to this important point. The Prince's choice, like the Knight Errant's balsam, heals all wounds, past, present, and to come. Indeed, the thing is so complete, the discomfiture of the men of stake is so decisive, that I am thoroughly persuaded they never can "rally" again. I made a promise almost as strong as an oath, some years ago, that I never would go into the gallery of the House of Commons, again; but, if I were not, like the Bank, under the influ ence of a restraining law, I certainly should be tempted to break my promise. I should like, of all things in the world, to see some men now with my own eyes, and hear them with my own ears.The fall of the men of stake has proceeded solely from their contempt of the people generally, and particularly from the contumely, with which they have treated the applications for reform; and, now, all those who have any sense must perceive, that this is the only ground left whereon to stand in opposition to any ministry carrying on the government upon the present system. There used to be a talk about the Prince, and what the Prince would do, when he came to the throne, which, by the bye, was very unconstitutional talk; but, now they see what he will do, what he can do, and I have clearly shown, I think, that, unless he had had men ready to propose and stand firmly to a proposition for parliamentary reform, the Prince could do nothing but what he has done, unless he had refused the Regency altogether.--I do not lump together the whole of those persons who composed the late ministry; nor do I wish, by any means, to impute any base motives to Lord Grenville or Lord Grey; but, in the latter, there is so much disregard of the people, that he never can be a popular minister, and haughtiness towards the people is, too, the more resented on account of his former professions. Lord Grenville is a sensible man, and he has nothing of the mean intriguer about him. But, there is that in his whole family, in all their connections and situations, which forbid the people to look towards them for a reform of parliament, without which no

other measure will ever again make any minister popular, be he who or what he may. Indeed (and it cannot be too often repeated) this is now the only ground of opposition to any ministry; and, these who will not join their voices in culling for this great measure, will excite neither interest nor attention. What is the use of cavilling and carping at this or that little thing? What is the use of a contest, which all the world knows will lead to no practical effect, and which has, indeed, no practical effect in view? Even great things, such as the fate of Sir John Moore's army and the affair of Walcheren, excite no interest, because the people do not see, that they would be bettered by any change of councils that the struggle may produce. It would be just the same in case of a failure in Portugal. Some borough, under the controul of him who found an interest in getting it, might send up a petition; but, in this whole kingdom, not a free man would move pen or tongue to put out the minis try upon any such ground. But, once let the question of reform be espoused by any considerable number of the members of parliament; once let that question be agitated in a way that would show the parties to be in earnest, and you would see that the people of England are still alive to the interests and honour of their country. It is quite useless for the men of "stake" to fold up their arms and be sulky. There they may remain folded up till they grow to stone. If they care nothing for the people, the people care as little for them The people have a stake as well as they; and, if this be denied, why, then, those who possess no stake, have no stake to lose.

WM. COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday,
February 5, 1811.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

SPAIN AND FRANCE.-State of the French Armies in Spain; and Account of their proceedings-Paris, 19 Jan. 1811.

(Concluded from p. 288.)

The Duke of Tarento, on his march from Barcelona in the direction of Tarragona, intercepted a very considerable convoy which the insurgents were conveying to the latter place. On the 14th December he effected his junction with the army of Arragon, at Mora on the Ebro.

V.

ARMY OF ARRAGON.-General Suchet, commander of the army of Arragon, found it, impossible, from the month of September, to commence the siege of Tortosa. He was continually prevented by the water in the Ebro being too low to admit of the conveyance of his battering ordnance. The Duke of Tarento having moved to Mora to support the siege, General Suchet invested the place on the 13th December. On the 17th the garrison made a sally, which was repulsed by the 116th and 117th regiments. Our sharp-shooters pe netrated to the foot of the walls. The entrenched camp and all the redoubts were carried.-On the 1st of January, after thirteen days of open trenches, Tora tosa and its forts surrendered at discretion. The garrison, consisting of 9,500 men, including 400 officers, 12 stand of colours, 192 pieces of artillery, 2 millions of cartridges, 10,000 muskets, 200,000 weight of powder, 500,000 weight of lead, and a great quantity of provisions, have fallen into our hands. The important capture of Tortosa renders us completely masters of the course of the Ebro, and entirely cuts off Valencia from Catalonia. The Duke of Tarento immediately marched upon Tarra gona, the only strong place remaining to the insurgents in all that part of Spain. General Suchet writes, that the inhabitants of Arragon evince the best disposition; and that this province, after being one of the most agitated, is now one of the most tranquit in Spain; that the revolutionary furor has entirely ceased, and given place, as usual, to sentiments diametrically op posite. The inhabitants of the south, of the centre, and the north of Spain, are equally tired out as those of Arragon, and feel the same hatred towards those who' have sacrificed their country, and the same desire for the restoration of tranquillity English influence is destroyed, and all the symptoms indicate that the fever is at an end. The inhabitants loudly call for being united to the Empire.

EXTRACT

From the Moniteur, relating to the English Prisoners, wrecked in the ship Elizabeth in the road of Dunkirk.-Paris, Jan. 19, 1811.

On the 28th of December the English ship Elizabeth was wrecked in the road of Dunkirk; notwithstanding the humanity of the inhabitants, and every possible as

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