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people's assent, and the latter a govern- | representatives; and, as it is next to imment by the ruler's will.--But, there is possible that all the people in any given a maxim of more confined and familiar part of a country should be exactly of one meaning, which we are accustomed to re- mind as to the person, or persons, to repeat, and which is taught by all the emi- present them, the question, as in all cases nent writers on our constitution; namely, of arbitration between man and man, must that Englishmen ought not to be TAXED be decided by the majority of voices.without their own consent.--This, after all This is the way, in which those who call is said and done, is the point to which we for a reform of the people's House of Parmust always come. This is the great prin- liament, say that the consent of the people ciple of our government. This is the prin- to tax them ought to be obtained.What ciple which distinguishes it from all others, is I need not say; and, I shall now proexcept that of America, which is of Eng- ceed to make some observations upon the lish descent. This is the great principle progress of this contest for the reform, contended for in the times of Magna which has been so long in existence.Charta. It was for this principle that The first movers for it, were esteemed Hampden made his stand, and, rather than men of the greatest wisdom as well as papay 20 shillings in a tax imposed on him triotism, and their opponents discussed the without his consent, he ventured his whole matter with them with arguments built upon fortune and his life in a contest, which fi- what they said were the principles of our nally cost him the latter in the field, but constitution of goverment. At a still later which brought his ill-advised sovereign to period, when Mr. PITT and Mr. WILBERperish on a scaffold, and which brought the FORCE stood in the ranks, or rather, at the greater part of the advisers to a death still head, of the reformers, a little more of the more ignominious. It is for this principle, spirit of party mixed itself in the discusthat, at bottom, all the contests between sions, but, still, wickedness of motive was the kings and the people of England have not ascribed to those who called for rebeen; and so firmly is it rooted in the form. It was not till after the commencehearts of the people, that to tear it out you ment of the French Revolution, that Remust take away their lives, and, if, by publican, Leveller, Jacobin, Traitor and Parmeans of corruption, you succeed in dead-liamentary Reformer became synonymous ening it there, the same cause will produce terms in the mouths of those who took the an apathy as to all public matters, an in-side opposite to that of reform, amongst sensibility as to national honour, and consequently a disregard for national independence and defence. He who laughs at these notions, and who, after what he has seen upon the Continent of Europe, still believes, that a people will voluntarily shed their blood for their country, let their treatment in it be what it may, will, of course, not think it worth his while to read any further; but, those who are of a different opinion, will agree with me in the conclusion, that, at this time in particular, it is necessary that the hearts of the people should be kept alive to the interests and honour of their country, and not deadened by the workings of corruption.To be able to say that you have the people's consent to the taxes which they have to pay, it is not necessary that the separate consent of each man should be obtained. This is not, and never was, the notion of any man in England. The thing is impossible, and that is quite enough. But, we all know, not only what is the maxim of the constitution, but what is practicable, and of extremely easy practice, and that is, that the people should give their consent by their

whom were many of the very men, who had themselves been amongst the most zealous reformers. That great event, which has already gone far, but which has, in my opinion, much farther yet to go, in changing the political state of the world, warmed into life the chilled and dormant seeds of reform in England, where the cause, though not openly disclaimed, had been effectually abandoned by all those men in power who had before espoused it.The example of the French people exhibited a successful struggle for their rights; and, it was perfectly natural, that the people of England should feel an enthusiasm in their cause, and that they should, at the same time, endeavour to rival them in this way as well as in contests in arms.This was the golden opportunity for the government of England; not to go to war; not to enter into a contest in arms with a people engaged in a struggle for their liberties; but, to let them quite alone, and to make that reform at home, which had been so long called for, and the making of which, by giving satisfaction to every reasonable

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POLITICAL REGISTER.-The Regency.

man, would have enabled the government
to set at nought all the invitations to re-
bellion that any of the mad heads in
France might have been disposed to give.
-England was in a state of growing
prosperity at that time. She was, con-
trary to the expectations of those who
wished her best, recovering from the ef-
fects of the then late war at an astonishing
rate; and, indeed, though party contests
agitated the higher political circles, there
was, save the question of Reform, nothing
to agitate the great mass of the people.
That question completely set at rest, what
might the government not have contemn-
ed, on the part of France, in the way
either of force or seduction?The go-
vernment unhappily chose a different
course precisely opposite;
namely, a contest in arms against republi-
can principles in France, and a resolution
to keep down by force those who were
struggling for reform in England, reform
being now confounded with republicanism,
and its advocates confounded with republi-
cans, levellers, jacobins and traitors.In
both objects the government of Eugland
finally succeeded. The pecuniary cost of
that success we know and feel, in part, at
least; but of the ultimate political cost
no man can form any computation.--
In his war against republican principles
in France Mr. Pitt succeeded to admi-
ration. But, what has he raised up in the
stead of those republican principles? His
wars and subsidies collected soldiers toge-
ther to crush liberty in France, and to
make the very name of liberty hateful
But, has
even to the French themselves.
not something succeeded full as dangerous
to England as French liberty and equality
would have been?--And, as to his suc-
cess at home against the reformers, under
the names of republicans, levellers, jaco-
bins and traitors, what has followed it?
Has the success been attended with any
beneficial consequences? LORD DESART is,
in the parliamentary reports, said to have
produced this success, the other day, as a
proof of Mr. Pitt's being "a great states-
man." He is reported to have said, that
"the great man crushed the democrats' in
England. That is to say, the reformers,
for none of them pretended to ask for any
thing but a reform of Parliament. Well,
"the great man" did succeed in crushing
them for the time. By one means or ano-
ther, by acts for which he afterwards ob-
tained from the parliament a bill of in-
demnity, he kept them down. But, what

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of that? Has the country been rendered
more secure by the keeping of them down?
Has the keeping of them down prevented
the Income Tax, the increase of the
Paupers, the Bank Restriction; and, has it
prevented the growth of the power of
France? It produced an union with Ireland,
indeed; but did it produce friendship and
strength and safety there?--Such men al-
ways seem to think that there are only
two parties, the government and the reformers,
and that if the former can but succeed
against the latter, it may shout victory.
But there is a third party to look to, that
is, Buonaparté, and to beat him and the
reformers too, is more than " the great man
"now no more" was able. Yet, until Buo-
naparté be beaten there is no good ground
for shouting victory. Yes, the
formers were kept down; but do those who
lent their hands to that work, think they
are now safe from without? In short, would
they not gladly exchange their present
situation for that of 1792? What, then,
even upon their own ground, has been
gained by keeping down the reformers ?

re

-There are men, who care not one straw for any thing but the quiet enjoyment of their wealth, and who would see any thing done to the people, no matter what, provided that that object were thereby secured. Such men have no mercy upon any one whose principles tend to disturb them. They care not, in such a case, who it is that suffers. Their cry is, "he is a troublesome fellow," and that cry they have long kept up. But, has this mended their state? Are they likely to enjoy much quiet? How are they to put down that

troublesome fellow," Buonaparté? Their cry will not affect him. They becall him, indeed, without mercy; they decorate him with all the appellations suited to a fiend, and their mouth-piece, the Morning Post, asserts that he and his ministers are men who boast of being guilty of unnaThere is no tural crimes, like the Vere Street gang. But, alas! this does not avail. such thing as getting at him. His Legions and his Serjeants push on. His fleets are preparing, in spite of all the associations against republicans and levellers and jacobins and traitors. He gets into Sweden and the ports of the North in spite of all the successes against democrats. The transportations of Palmer and Gerald and Muir and Margarot tended, indeed, to stifle reform in England; but, upon the whole, what has it done for the security of England?It is, I think, quite impossi

ble to take this view of the matter, with- | Leaving, therefore, the justice of the proout coming, at once, to the conclusion, posed measure wholly aside, national safe. that what it would have been wise to do ty calls loudly for it, unless we make our in 1793, it is, as far as possible, wise to do minds up to the notion, that nations do not now. To reduce France to what she was depend for their safety upon the activity then is impossible; to prevent the further and zeal and courage of the people. I increase of her enormous power is also im- hope, indeed, that nothing will ever prepossible; but, it is possible to make Eng- vent Englishmen from fighting in defence land secure even against that enormous of their native land; but, is it to be sup power by giving a new spirit to the peo- posed, that, if the necessity arose, they ple, by uniting them heart and hand, and would be able to do it so effectually unless all this would be done by a reform of par- they were previously united by the mealiament, such as was called for by all those sure of reform? Is it to be supposed, that men, whose words I have taken as mottos while those active and zealous men, who to this Number, and to effect which reform call for this measure, are, by their oppowould not cost one single sixpence.--Anents, branded as Jacobins and traitors, the people never die; a people cannot perish whole people can possibly be brought, if they would; and a great question, upon any emergency, to act cordially tolike that of reform, becomes, in time, gether for any purpose whatever? And is part of the public soul. It may be there not good ground to fear, that a seasmothered for a while, but, it will always son of general danger would be also a seabreak out again. The want of reform is the son of mutual reproaches and perhaps regreat source of all complaint; every se- venge; -These are the considerations parate complaint flows from it, and, quick that ought to weigh with statesmen, even as thought, is traced to it.It is nonsense supposing them to leave justice to the peoto say, that the people do not wish for re- ple entirely out of the question.--A form, because they do not crowd up peti- passage in the leading venal print, the tions calling for it. I have often-times COURIER, of the 21st instant, furnishes a shown why they do not crowd up petitions; pretty good specimen of the means at and, after what every man has seen of late, present made use of to conciliate and what can any man want more to satisfy unite the people and to stand by one anohim of the futility of such an argument, ther in an hour of danger. "The Ministo use which, indeed, is an insult so out- try and the Public should be guarded rageous as never to be forgiven.——We against a clamour raising by persons are told, that the " quiet good sort of folks" uniformly in the interest of France against say nothing about reform. This is not sending troops to Portugal.. They cry true; for, in private, they do say a great "out that Ireland is in danger of invasion, deal about it, and are very anxious for its "that England is in danger of invasion. adoption. That they will not stir; that "Now, there is less danger of invasion they will not expose themselves, in any "now, as they know, than at any former way, I know very well. But, of what use "period of the war; but their wish is to would these "quiet good sort of folks" be," let Massena get his reinforcements, and if Napoleon's Legions were to land in the" to prevent Lord Wellington from getting country? Does any man imagine, that any, by which means the victory for the they would not retain this admired quality of quietness? Does any man suppose, that they would change their nature all at once; and that they who had not had the courage openly to express their sentiments, would, all of a sudden, find courage sufficient to meet the French bayonets? --Oh, no! This were a foolish supposition indeed; and, whoever lives to see the day of trial, will find that these Quakers in politics will be something worse than Quakers in war.--Common sense says, that, in the hour of real danger, the fate of the country must depend upon the disposition of the active and zealous part of the people, and these are all for reform.

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enemy may be secure, and the English Jaco"bins will have created a happy diversion "in favour of their allies, the French.". Thus are all those, who, after having seen Lord Talavera followed by Massena from the frontiers of Portugal to the vicinity of Lisbon; who, after having been, by these same prints, assured, that Lord Talavera intended to draw Massena to that point, where he had got him in a trap, saw him let the Frenchmen out of the trap; who, after having been over and over again told, that the French were starving, now find that they have plenty of provisions; who, after having been told, till the ear grew weary of the sound, that Massena possess

ed not an inch of ground but that on which his army stood, now find him to be the master of all Portugal, except the little nook in which our army is penned up; who, after being a hundred times told, by this same writer, that our army was superior in numbers to the French, and that the latter was daily and hourly wasting away by famine, sickness and desertion; all those, who, after having seen and heard these things, now think that more troops ought not to be sent to Portugal, and who are of opinion, that to send them out is only to incur a certain additional heavy expence, without the smallest chance of doing any good; all those persons are thus branded as Jacobins, are charged with being in the interest of France; and with wishing to make the victory of the enemy secure. -These are the means; these and the like of these, are the means now in use for conciliating and amiting the people, and for inclining them to spend their last shilling and shed the last drop of their blood in defence of the country, including, of course, these their calumniators!--The men who are thus depicted are parliamentary reformers. There is no other description of politicians that the venal have any serious objection to; and, the reason is plain: these latter know well, that reform strikes at the root of corruption. This is the reason, and the only reason, that they hate the reformers, for the purpose of destroying whom, they would annihilate the country. This object is always uppermost in their minds, and, in their endeavours to effect it, or, merely for the purpose of venting their hatred, they think nothing of proclaiming to the enemy, that there are men in Eng land, who are uniformly in the interest of France; who wish by all means to secure the success of the French army over our own; and who, in a word, regard the French as their allies. The number of these men, when he looks at the "Burdettite Livery," Napoleon will want nobody to tell him.

-What would be said of me, if I were to state, in the Register, that a part of the people of England wish success to the arms of Napoleon against our army; that a part of the people of England are steadily in his interest; that a part of the people of England look upon him as their ally? What would be said of me, if I were to state this? Should I not be called a " seditious libeller?" Should I not be charged with t inviting the French to our shores," as I was, in the time of the Addingtons, beCause I urged the necessity of measures of

defence that I thought were neglected? In short, what would not be said against me, or against any man of my sentiments, that were to state what is here, without any reserve or qualification, proclaimed to the world by this venal writer?--But, this is all perfectly natural. It all proceeds from the same source. These venal men feel conscious of their weakness upon the real subject in dispute. They know that, if they speak of reform, they are beaten. They have so often been defeated and exposed in those discussions, that they turn from them as a perjuror does from the pillory. They use all possible endeavours to divert the public attention from the real cause of their hatred. To cry reformer would not do; but the cry of Jacobins, Freneh faction, and the like, suits them to admiration, being, as they are, quite regardless of the consequences to the country, so that by these, or any other means, they secure to themselves the advantages of their venality and corruption.--I shall be told, perhaps, that I am teaching the public to expect too much from the Regency Ministry, and that the latter will not be able to carry a parliamentary reform.

I do not teach the public to expect too much; for I do not say, that the Regency Ministry will be able immediately to carrythis great and vital measure; but, I am fully justified in pointing out what I think ought to be done. And, something they will certainly be able to do. They will be able to give the people a patient and respectful hearing; they will be able to abstain from ascribing their applications to jacobinism; they will be able to hear the statement of their grievances without calling out for " a stand against popular encroachment,” and without designating them as a “low, de"graded crew." All this they will have full power to do; and they will, besides, have full power to show the people, to give them convincing proof, that they, at least, wish success to the cause of reform. Nothing can prevent them from being able to entertain the subject; to give it ample discussion; and to let it take its fair chance of the benefits to be derived from reason and truth.

-Is this too much to expect from them? If it be, the safe way is for them to expect nothing; but, then, if the people expect nothing, if they are to have no hope of any benefit from the approaching change, it is not reasonable to expect that they will either discover or feel any terest in it.--In offering these obse tions, I am so far from having any wo

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embarrass the government of the Regent, urging, have been refused solely from the that my wish really is to prevent embar-will of the King. And thus have these vile rassment by stating before hand what are hypocrites, these pretenders to exclusive the expectations of the people. Every "loyalty," given the country another thing, I am well aware, cannot be done proof of their readiness to throw every thing all at once; but, every thing may be done upon the King, which is felt as a grievance in time, and something may be done imme- by any part of the people.--But, what diately, that is to give the people proofs of an outrageous principle is here? The a wish to do more. But, in the end, I am Prince is not to listen to the people of thoroughly convinced, that this country Ireland, because the King is known to can be saved by nothing but a constitu- have felt objections to the granting of their tional Reform of the Commons' House of claims! Why should not this argument Parliament. In the meanwhile the venal be extended to any time beyond the men are hard at work to prepare, to mus- life of the King? The Prince will hold ter up, and set in motion, all the preju- his authority in trust, and so does the dices that they can against the Prince and King. The whole, to use the Prince's his government. The COURIER of the own words, "is held as a trust for the bedate above-mentioned, after some criticism "nefit of the people." But this writer upon His Royal Highness's Answer to the would have us regard it as a thing of the Deputation from the two Houses, in which nature of personal property; and that the the writer has discovered, what he calls happiness or misery of a whole people is contradictions and insinuations, he proceeds to depend upon the mere feelings of one thus:" But if his Royal Highness's man; nay, that those feelings, even to "advisers are really anxious to manifest such an extent as this, are to be consulted "their reverential delicacy towards the and submitted to, after the person having "King, they will find full as good oppor- them is declared to be in a state of mental "tunities of doing so in the exercise of derangement; than which, perhaps, a more "those prerogatives which the Regent will perfect specimen of despotism never was "have, as they could have done in the exhibited in this world; for, according to "disuse of those which he has not; and I this venal writer, not only is it proper to "will suggest to them the delicacy of not refuse to listen to the alledged grievances "changing his Majesty's confidential servants, of the people upon the sole ground of the "and placing in their room those whom King's feelings, but they are still, upon "his Majesty lately dismissed from his that same ground, not to be listened to "service, and who have expressed their when the King is declared to be in a state "determined hostility to the system which not to be able to form any judgment on « his Majesty has so successfully persevered in, the matter, and to be utterly incapable of " and which, there is every reason to hope, all business whatsoever.This surpasses, "he is desirous of continuing. There is if possible, in comprehensiveness, the ar"no comparison between the indelicacy of gument of MR. YORKE. It goes to all "changing the King's servants and the measures whatever that shall be disagreea"making a few respectable individuals, to ble to the men now in place, who, if this "whom his Majesty is not known to have reasoning be, for one moment, admit"any violent personal objections, Peers.ted, have nothing to do but to say, "the "But we are even told, that Catholic "King felt objections to this measure, and we "Emancipation will delicately be assented "know it." And, as this writer has very "to, by these advisers. Thus, in his Majes- consistently observed, it is well known "ty's name and for him, a measure will be that the King chose these present minis"assented to, to which during his whole reign, ters, of course that he would feel objec"he is known to have felt the most conscientious tions to their being put out, and that, "and irrevocable objections: this is delicacy therefore, they ought to remain in place, and "with a vengeance. I hope the rumour have all the power and profit that they "upon this subject will be contradicted. If now have.This is complete in all its "there is no delicacy shewn in the exer- parts. It provides for every thing. It in"cise of those powers which the Regent sures us the perseverance in that same "is to have, the country will not value system, in which this most barefaced "much a delicacy which would have scribe tells us, " his Majesty has so success"been shown in the exercise of those "fully persevered." Where is the proof "which he has not."-Thus, then, are of success? Venal man, look across the the people of Ireland told, that those Channel; and then tell us where the success claims, which they have so long been has been. Look at the American States,

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