TABLE of the Number of CHRISTENINGS and BURIALS within the Bills of Mortality, March 428 143 52 37132 160 165 155 137 116 46 5 816 760 April 782 783 384 116 55 35 70 5+ 57 53109 93 40 35 71 739 705 490 502 29 4,258 3,965 101 127 131105 68 35 Average Prices of CORN, through all England and Wales, and of HAY, STRAW, and FARNHAM HOPS, in London, from January to June, 1811, both Months inclusive. NOT OF THE CABINET. Right Hon. Robert Saunders Dundas (now { Lord Melville) President of the Board of Controul for the Af- Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Joint Paymaster-General of the Forces, Joint Postmaster-General. Secretaries to the Treasury. Master of the Rolls. Solicitor-General. PERSONS IN THE MINISTRY OF IRELAND. Lord Lieutenant. Lord High Chancellor. Chief Secretary. Chancellor of the Exchequer. VOL. XIX. No. 1.] LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 1811. າງ He who contends for Freedom, "Can ne'er be justly deem'd his Sovereign's foe; SUMMARY OF POLITICS. [Price 18. [2 appeared in the venal prints within the last week. The COURIER, which seems THE REGENCY.Look at the motto, to be the chosen channel of attack and inEnglish reader! Look at the motto! It sinuation against the Prince of Wales, contains a truth, important at all times to has represented, of late, that is to say, be borne in mind, but especially at the since it was announced that Mr. Perceval present time, and as connected with the had been refused an interview by the conduct, and the apparent views, and ex- Prince; since that time the COURIER has pectations of public men.In my last been extremely industrious to find out Number, (p. 1313 of Vol. XVIII) I took a reasons for reviving the limitations of view of the language and sentiments of 1788; and amongst these reasons, is, the the notoriously venal prints with regard hopes and expectations in the Prince, which to a prominent feature in the intended li- appear to be entertained by those, whom mitations to the powers of the Regent; this venal gentleman chooses to call the and, I think, I left no ground at all for Burdett gang" that is to say, all those doubt as to the real object of withholding (four fifths of the people of England) who the Household and Privy Purse (for, I have wish for a reform of abuses, and, as the seen no exception with regard to the effectual means of accomplishing this, for latter) from the Prince; nor do I think a reform of the Commons' House of Parlia that I left any doubt as to the impropriety ment.--The words of the venal man are of such a measure. I noticed, and, I these:"When it is considered, that think, I refuted, the revived insinuations "the gang of Burdett, Cobbett, & Co. against his Royal Highness with regard" seem to expect something in their way to his debts and pecuniary embarrassments, which, as I there observed, ought never to have existed, and which did not arise from extravagant expenditure, but from bis having had withheld from him that which was his due as much as the rents of the Duke of Northumberland, or the Duke of Bedford, is the due of either of them; and, I flatter myself that I left no doubt at all with regard to the malignity of the" way" from an unfettered Regency. motives, which dictated the revival of those insinuations.I shewed, too, that those who had been, and still were, most strenuous in their endeavours to obtain a reform of abuses; those who were most desirous to see corruption torn from its seat, had uniformly reprobated the means that had been used to keep the Prince of Wales in the back-ground, to misrepresent him, to whisper away his character, and to deprive him of all weight and consequence. Upon this last topic, which is one of the greatest interest to both Prince and people, I think it necessary to say something more, especially after what has "from an unlimited Regent, we agree "that the circumstances have changed, "but the change is in favour of the necessity "of restrictions."--So, then, the necessity of restrictions, in the view of the venal and corrupt, is increased by the circumstance, that those who are for a reform of abuses have expressed their expectations, or seem to expect," something in their What a compliment to the Prince! What an argument, with the people, constitutionally to oppose the intended limitations!Here the views of the corrupt, here the views of those vile men who deal in and fatten upon corruption, here the views of the people's enemies, are completely exposed. For, though they do not, in so many words, say, that they wish the Prince's powers to be limited, lest he should promote a reform of abuses and corruptions; though they do not di rectly say, that they wish to abridge his power, to shackle and to hamper him, lest he should use that power for the purpose B " grounds, when we announce emancipa"tion as at hand. The word of the Prince "is pledged; we require not, neither could "we have, any more certain guarantee. We know that his understanding, clear, "manly, and unimpaired, cannot be imposed on, nor his conscience surprised "by any idle or unfounded scruple.". Meaning, we suppose, by this last sen"tence, to set the Prince's intellects in opposition to and above that of his venerable "Father. If the sentiments of his Royal Highness be misunderstood by the Ca"thoiics, he will, no doubt, feel it necessary of giving the people a Reform of Parlia- is, that he would be likely to grant as far ment, and effect the great purpose of as in him lay, those claims, which have putting an end to seat-selling, and all its so long been put forward by the Catholics train of jobs and wickedness and national of Ireland. The COURIER of the 29th of degradation and ruin, though they do last month dwells very emphatically upon not, in so many district words say, that this point; and, as a proof of the justness this is one of their strong reasons in favour of its suspicions, cites what has recently of limitations; they here clearly discover been said in Ireland with regard to the that such, in fact, is one of those reasons, views of his Royal Highness respecting and, I should not be at all surprised, if what is called the Catholic Question.this was the very strongest of the rea- "The Prince of Wales's name is made sons, for which they wish for limita- "use of at these Meetings in a way which tions. If, then, it be true, that` you "should be known to the whole empire. ought to avoid that which your enemy "His word is asserted to be solemnly pledged wishes you to do, the people must "to accede to the Catholic claims. We see, that they ought, by all the con- "quote the Speech of Mr. O'Connell, stitutional means in their power, to shew," His Royal Highness's sentiments on that they are opposed to such limitations; "this subject were neither concealed nor and, to give his Royal Highness a proof" doubtful. He had communicated them, of their confidence in him. If he, for a "as became him, unequivocally and withyear, or for whatever length of time, be" out disguise, amongst others, to Cathorestrained, either directly or indirectly," lics of rank and respectability., We from adopting such measures as he would," therefore do not proceed on precarious if possessing full powers, be disposed to adopt, the people can, in reason, expect nothing in the way of that change of system, which every disinterested man, that I have ever heard of, has long been wishing for." To act freely, the Regent, like other men, must be free. He may be, and I hope and believe, he would be, disposed to gratify fully all the just wishes of the people, in the whole of the kingdom; but if he be hampered with restrictions, how is he to do any thing which would be likely to give any satisfaction at all? For, though he would not, in direct terms, be prohibited from giving his assent to a mea-"to state the fact without loss of time.", sure for the reform of Parliament, for instance, yet, if by means of limitations, such a weight of influence was opposed to him as to render it impossible for him to carry such a measure, the effect would be the same; and he would be compelled to act upon the system, though, at the same time, he might protest against it. What the effects of such a state of things would be, the mind of man cannot conjecture. The people, therefore, at a time like this, when they have more at stake than they ever had before, should let their voice be heard, in a legal and constitutional way; and, should prove to his Royal Highness, that they are willing to confide in his wisdom and justice, in spite of all the insinuations that the venal and corrupt are, in their divers sorts of publications, pouring forth against him. Another of the reasons of these venal men against putting full powers into the hands of the Prince, " " Here, again, it is not openly avowed, that one object of the limitations would be to prevent his Royal Highness from assenting to any measure for the relief of the Irish Catholics; this is not openly avowed, but that these venal men would wish that object to be accomplished by the limitations, there can, after the reading of this paragraph, be no doubt at all.What, then, this impudent son of venality, calls upon the Prince to deny that he wishes to see the Catholics relieved! He presumes, or has, at least, the impudence to affect to presume, that it is an offence in the Prince to wish for such a measure, and especially to have pledged his word for it, if it came within his power; and, this, too, observe, while it is well known that Mr. Pitt and his colleagues gave the same pledge, in words as explicit as men could give any pledge. Let us hope, that the difference between them and the Prince would be, that his |