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[942 habitants, and shut up in permanent barselected to fill such situations under goracks? I certainly do not ask much upon vernmnt, but I do venture to say, on good the present occasion, when I state it as authority, that many are appointed for no my opinion, that before we introduce in- real purpose but that of forwarding minovations contrary to the avowed doc- nisterial elections. There is an ostensitrines of Mr. Justice Blackstone and other ble and a secret purpose combined. It constitutional writers, parliament ought is, in the language of the right hon. gento be consulted, ought to have time for tleman himself, like a theatrical dress, deliberation, and ought to give its so- where the gold and embroidery serve to lemn decision.-Great reliance has been conceal the dirt and filthy dowlas beneath. placed upon the argument, that this sub- The right hon. gentleman tells us, that ject was actually discussed in the de- no barrack-masters were appointed withbate upon a motion brought forward in out an intention of erecting barracks. I 1793, by my hon. friend who spoke hardly could suppose they would be so last.* That motion was for the purpose absurd as to appoint barrack-masters of passing a resolution, such a system as without any intention at all. He allows, was then entered into of erecting bar- however, that there were three instances racks, was contrary to the practice and where no duty whatever was performed. example of our ancestors. What was He has appealed to the honour of the then done by the House? They did not gentleman at the head of that department, put a direct negative upon it, but got rid the barrack-master-general, for the proof it by the order of the day. Can this priety and economy of the manner in be called a solemn decision of parliament, which the business is conducted. Does upon the principle of this measure? The he not recollect, that to pledge a man's most that can be said of it is, that they honour is not the most honourable mode did not disapprove of what was immedi- of accounting? and that to such a man it ately doing; but that decision gave no may be answered, "I have no intention of countenance whatever to the unauthoriz- disputing the point of honour, but I want ed expenditure of public money. I very to know what you have done with the well recollect, that that debate, in which money? For these different reasons I I took a share, by no means turned upon exceedingly approve of appointing a comthe principle, but upon the words of the mittee of inquiry; and if it be resisted, I motion. The right hon. gentleman has do say, however liable I may make mycertainly logic enough to perceive the self to invidious observations, that we difference, and to allow that the denial of have but a mockery of a constitution. If any particular proposition is not an uni- ministers disregard all fundamental prinversal affirmation of its opposite.-But ciples,-if this House calmly tolerate how stands this question with the consti- their excesses,-if the power of raising tution? Its opposers say it is but a name and applying money be exercised, not by -but a mockery of a constitution. How the House of Commons but the king's many melancholy facts daily occur to ministers, what is our constitution, but a justify the assertion! Large sums are farce and a mockery?-We hear, Sir, expended, without consulting parliament, many orations upon the necessity of obewithout bringing forward any estimate dience and subjection to the laws; but if whatever.--The right hon. gentleman seems those at the head of the government paid to hold all arguments of fact extremely equal deference to the laws, with the cheap. He says, he understands our other orders of the community, we should manner on this side of the House. I have little reason to complain. Example think he was long enough with us to unwould avail ten times more than precept. derstand our sentiments too; and he It is strange that those who have the law ought to know, that when we talk of the constantly in their mouths, should, with increase of patronage, it is not as mere equal perseverance, be acting in direct matter of declamation, but as an object of opposition to it. My hon. friend illusserious apprehension to the liberties of trated this subject by an allusion to what the country. He defends himself by say-passed on the fortification act. The iling. What would you deprive the poor officer of this his last resource? I know not how many worthy objects may be

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lustration was certainly in point. If this House had not entered into the examination of that system previous to its being carried into execution, what would have been the consequence? Would it have

met with the fate which it experienced? | exceptions to the general principle while By no means. Had the expense been the hon. gentleman who preceded him, first incurred, and the plan brought for- seemed to entertain a similar opinion of ward afterwards, this House, I believe, the few in Scotland. Yet it all those would have acceded to the measure.- barracks had been in repair, they would The only tools which ministers seem not have contained 20,000 troops; and that to think dangerous are edge-tools; they fact alone proved that it was not a deviaplay with them with all the complacency tion from the general principle. Such imaginable. I repeat, that the maintain was the case of that part of the question. ing of a standing army in this country, The other was that which went to inquire and dissolving the connexion between the whether there was any ground of abuse soldier and the citizen, is a subject of the to justify the motion, and since there aphighest delicacy, of the greatest intrica- peared to be none, he should give it his cy, and is not thus wantonly to be sported decided negative. with by ministers, without condescending to consult parliament. We seem to have thrown away all that constitutional jea lousy which ought ever to be awake in a free country, We have sacrificed it to a false alarm. The exorbitant power and influence of the crown in this country

must ever be pregnant with danger to

its liberties. In better times than these, the opinion was, that it ought to be curtailed; and, in the present day, is there no ground for a watchful jealousy? On the contrary, the more power we give, the greater is the cause for jealousy. Such was always the opinion of our ancestors; such ought to be our opinion; and before ministers dared, upon a plea of necessity, to trample upon the rights of Englishmen, it would have been but decent, to have given this House an opportunity of exercising its deliberative functions.

Mr. Pitt said, that on the question of barracks, he was now at issue with the right hon. gentleman who spoke last. Because soldiers were cut off from all seditious infection, did it follow that they would be deprived of all social intercourse? Certainly not. They would still enjoy the society of their friends, and still have a share in the prosperity of the country. Without contending whether the erection of barracks was right or not, he insisted that they had been erected with the approbation of parliament. From time to time the expense had been submitted to parliament, who had approved of the mode of applying the money. If there had been any improvident expenditure, then there might have been ground for censure; but as it was, there could be no need of inquiry to know whether the charges were defrayed out of the extraordinaries, or out of previous estimates. The right hon. gentleman contended, that the barracks erected in former times were

After a few words in support of the Motion, from Mr. W. Smith, Mr. Courtenay, and Mr. Grey, the House divided: Tellers.

YEAS

NOES

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Mr. Sheridan
Mr. M. A. Taylor

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Mr. Sargent

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So it passed in the negative.

:} 24 } 98

Debate on Mr. Francis's Motion respecting the Regulation of Slaves in the West Indies.] April 11. Mr. Francis rose to make his promised motion, and addressed the House as follows:

Mr. Speaker; It is hardly necessary for me to say that the sight of so numerous an attendance, on the present occasion, gives me great satisfaction. I consider it not only as a practical acknowledgment of the importance of the business of the day, and of the interest it excites, but as an omen of success. Convinced as I am of the intrinsic merits of the cause I am engaged in, I cannot but rejoice to find that so many gentlemen are still disposed to attend to it. The greater the number, and the more they examine it, the more I am assured that, sooner or later, it will make a deep and universal impression, and finally prevail over every opposition. I believe, Sir, I may venture to assert, without a risk of contradiction, that, including the greatest learning, by which this House is at all times adorned and sometimes instructed, there is no man here better qualified than I am to introduce a serious subject of any kind with a dull, tedious, elaborate exordium. The power and the faculty being undisputed, I shall not abuse it. Instead of tormenting you with a long preface, I shall submit to the House some short but earnest requests, and then instantly to my subject. The first is, that you will grant me

There is no affectation in confessing that I have but little confidence in my own strength. Allow me to claim the benefit not the merit of this confession, if you believe it to be sincere. Conclude for me, as you ought to do, that I am convinced of the strength of my cause, and that I rely on it for support That I am earnest in my opinion you cannot doubt. The value of it must be estimated by others. On this day, Sir, it is eminently my duty, as it is at all times my interest: and inclination, to look round me for assistance, and to conciliate, if I can, every class of persons and opinions, into which the House has been divided on the subject of the slave trade. To the ene mies of this traffic, a resolute and I hope an unconquerable phalanx, to those, who have hitherto advised and insisted on abolition, I think I have some right to apply for support. I have gone the full length of their opinions, and given them, from first to last, the utmost assistance in my power; and, if ever they should think ît prudent or advisable, if ever they should see, what at present I despair of, a rational prospect of success in that direct pursuit, they shall find me at my post, and as ready as ever to second their efforts. Is it pos sible they should tell me in return, as I' think, implicitly they would do by refusing to concur with me this night, that they will not suffer any part or portion of that entire system, which has totally failed in their hands, to succeed in mine? They may say, perhaps, that their principles will not permit them to negociate with guilt, or to compound with crimes, as they must do, if they consented to palliate or to qualify an evil, which they cannot remove, and much more if they appeared to authorize or even to acquiesce in its existence, by contributing to reduce it to a less intolerable form. Neither would I, if I could help it. But is it true that, by yielding to necessity, any principles are abandoned? Do I renounce even their object of ultimate abolition, or do I pursue it by a course, perhaps more effectual, though less rapid and direct than that which they have hitherto repeatedly tried without success? Are there no stages and gradations between complete success and absolute despair? Are there no expedients in practice, of which prudence should avail itself to compass whatever is attainable of the objects of wisdom and benevolence? Have they a moral right to this extreme precision in a question of [SP]

patient audience. Lask it with humility for myself; but I demand it, as a debt of justice for my cause. On this day, it is your lot to exercise a high jurisdiction over a question important to a great portion of mankind, and interesting, I trust, even to those who think they have no concern in it. If this be your office, your patience is your duty. My second request is, that gentlemen will have the goodness and the candour to hear me out; that they will not suffer their minds to travel faster than I do; that they will not anticipate my conclusions, and much more, that they will not conclude for me. The subject naturally divides into two parts the principles and object on one side, the means on the other. Each of these divisions constitutes of itself an entire whole, the merit of which, if it has any, will depend on the mutual relation, correspondence, and consistency of its constituent parts, united in one view, and aeting together for one general purpose. It cannot be fairly determined, or even thoroughly understood, by any consideration of particulars, that detaches the materials from the composition, or that values the component part without regard to its position. The most irregular fragment, in meeting another fragment, finds the place that belongs to it. But, above all things, I must appeal to your justice against any attempt or inclination to confound the consideration of the two general divisions of the subject, by drawing objections from the means, and applying them to the object. The second may be eli. gible and practicable in its nature, though possibly not by that course, or through that medium, which to me might appear preferable to all others, if not the only one likely to be successful. You may approve the purpose without admitting the means. But you cannot honestly or reasonably contend, that decisive objections to the means are necessarily fatal to the end. Sir, I am thoroughly conscious of my own infirmities. I cannot hope to make myself understood, unless I am heard without impatience or interruption. Even signs and gestures are sufficient to disconcert me. From that sort of distress, however, I hope to guard myself in some degree, by observing a rule, which is not so much regarded as it ought to be, by fixing my eye as steadily as I can upon you, Sir, from whom I expect nothing but what I have always experienced kindness, encouragement, and protection. [VOL. XXXII.]

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action, in which the sufferings of others | tell them frankly that, while I exist, the are instantly involved. Have they no- question shall never die; and though it thing to consider now but their own were dead, yet shall it live. Some years consistency? Is it pride or is it charity ago it was said by a member of this House, to say to a fellow-creature, the suffering respectable for his age, where he his now I know not, subject of the argument and victim of the "Why cannot you be debate, that you will not submit to re- content? Are not we all very happy? lieve, because you have been disappointed Do not we enjoy good dinners and pleain attempting to cure? From those gen- sant society, and all manner of comforts! tlemen I have a right to expect better I dare say the negroes are very well off, morals, if not better logic. My appeal to and why cannot you let them be quiet?" the planters and proprietors is of a diffe- My answer was and is that such principles rent nature, but equally intended to con- and practice never ought to find peace on ciliate their good will, and to obtain their earth. It is in vain to look for it. By concurrence. Of them I demand no- power and by force they may obtain a thing but an exact consistency between partial triumph from day to day; but it their conduct this day and all their former must be in a perpetual struggle between professions. They cannot consent to active wrong and persevering right, until abolish; but they are ready and desirous the moral sence of justice, charity, and to regulate and to improve. Such has shame, shall either finally prevail, or be been their constant language, whenever utterly extinguished in this land. To any abolition has been proposed. They are other issue the war is immortal. Addressat all times ready to meliorate the per- ing myself now to the House collectively, sonal condition of the negro, though not to I certainly mean to do it with the deferput an end to the trade. Now I take ence and submission that becomes me. these gentlemen at their word. Let us If I could personify the House of Com. heartily and honestly unite our endea- mons, it would be my interest as well as vours to accomplish that which they are my duty to approach so great a person willing to concur in, which they confess with the utmost respect. But respect ought to be done, to place the negroes in does not exclude firmness, and should not the islands on such a footing of regulated restrain me from saying, that it is the service, no longer at personal discretion, function of your greatness, as well as of but under a legal security, that the exis- your office, to listen to truth, especially tence of the trade itself for a farther period when it arraigns a proceeding of your may possibly be endured. Some of the own. I am not here to admire your conparties, I am told, are highly dissatisfied sistency, or to applaud the conduct which at my attempting to revive the subject in I am endeavouring to correct. These any shape. For what purpose do you topics do not furnish any subject for stir a question, now finally settled by a applause. You have nothing like praise resolution of the House? Are we never to expect from me; unless you feel, as I to be at rest? To a complaint of this do, that a compliment of the highest kind, I might truly answer, that if I were order is included in the confidence, which silent, or if I were not in being, there are appeals to your justice against your incli others who would resume the subject nation. Compare the resolutions of the with as much zeal, and with greater same House of Commons in 1792 and ability; who would never suffer it to 1796. Against the second I plead the perish or be forgotten. On this point first, the result of a longer debate, the the gentlemen I allude to may as well decision of a greater majority. If the resolve at once to make up their minds authorities are equal, to which shall we to their situation. They may be assured, submit? Contradictions cannot act togethat as long as the grievance exists, at ther. Is it possible to remember the least in its present form, they will have pledge that was given, the faith that was no repose; they can never be at rest. engaged, and really to respect a power, But this is not my language. It would by which both have been broken? It is have the air of an apology, which I will not for me to qualify the proceedings of never make to any party or to any power, this House; but they cannot escape the for endeavouring to do one of the greatest records of history. To save you from everduties incident to my station. In doing lasting dishonour, that leaf must be torn it I want no shelter, nor would I stoop to out. There is one person left, Sir, (Mr. solicit it from any human resentment. I Pitt) whose support, if I really had it,

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would undoubtedly be of more use than all the rest; but whose support I disdain to solicit. I will not, for any purpose of this world, much less for any interest of my own, descend from the independence of my character, or from the station attached to the duty of this day, to submit myself to a capricious, mean, injurious enmity, not the less bitter because utterly groundless, not the less persevering because utterly unprovoked. Neither is it necessary. I have a surer course to take with the right hon. person I allude to. If I am not grossly mistaken in my opinion of his character, I have a powerful resource in the judicial quality of his calculating mind. I am not alluding now to the general purity of his morals, or to his sincerity in particular. Without disputing his virtues, I hold it to be fortunate that I am not driven to rely on them. I depend on his support, because I think I can put an honorable force upon his mind. I know the scruples and the prudence with which he weighs and balances the specific value of profit against praise. Whatever you may think of him, he is not a man to be driven, even by a favourite passion, to sacrifice a great portion of reputation for an inconsiderable advantage, and still less for a gratuitous indulgence of temper. I am safe, then, when I say, that my present intention is neither to solicit or to offend, but to provoke him. [Hear, hear!]-Yes, Sir, not to offend, but to provoke. Provoca tion is not of necessity offence. To inflame is not to irritate. They know nothing of the language, who think that these words represent the same idea. I tell him frankly that the last decision of the House has left a shade, I will not call it a stain upon his reputation. Is he not yet satiated with the possession of power and emolument? Is he not weary of the drudgery of his office, compared to which the mere labour of a negro is in my mind a service to be endured? And does he think it possible that the country, that any rational being should give credit to a proposition so extravagant and so monstrous, that the all-powerful minister of the crown, with all his eloquence, and with all his influence, and with the accession of thirty voices from his side of the House, should not have been able to engage more than seventy votes on a favourite question of his own, if, in earnest and bona fide, he had desired to carry it? Is there nothing in his mind to elevate him for a

moment above the level of his station? Does he never look forward to a time, when the merits of his character will be canvassed by posterity? and is it possible for him to endure the thought of passing for an

Mr. Secretary Dundas rose to call the hon. gentleman to order. He spoke of his right hon. friend as a member of parliament only; and it was the established rule of the House to presume that no member ever delivered opinions or expressed sentiments in which he was not in earnest. That to assert or insinuate the contrary, was unparliamentary, and a high breach of order.

Mr. Francis. I submit to correction, though I really do not think that I said any thing to deserve it. Certainly what I meant was, not to express a suspicion of my own concerning the right hon. gentleman's sincerity, but to indicate to him the impression which the fact, as it stood, seemed likely to make on the general judgment of mankind at present and hereafter. I have no time now to debate a point of order; nor is it necessary. The full idea, which I meant to give, may be conveyed in another form. Instead of a comment, allow me to tell you a short story, from good authority; but whether it be true or not is immaterial. A member of this honorable House was asked, how he voted on the last question of abolition. "Sir, I voted with my friend the minister." How so? I thought you had divided against the bill.--" Very true; I certainly divided against the bill; but I voted with my friend the minister." At the moment, when the secretary of state called me to order, I was going to make an acknowledgment in favour of the right hon. gentleman, and to pay him, what I never refuse even to hostile merit, an honest tribute of applause. What judgment I possess is a good deal governed by impression. I cannot calculate the value, while I feel the effect. I have not forgotten that illustrious night, when all the powers of his eloquence were summoned to the service, and exerted in the defence of justice and humanity;when he took the House, at a late hour, exhausted with watching and wearied with debate ; — when worn-out attention revived at his voice; when he carried conviction to our hearts;-when reason in his hand seemed to have no office but

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April 2nd, 1792. See Vol. 29, p. 1133.

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