a mockery of humanity. An asylum however, still presented itself in other parts of their own country, when distributed among the factories established by an African company, whose objects, far from promoting slavery, were to diffuse happiness and freedom, and where the poor creatures might receive all the consolations which their unfortunate situation would admit. There were also other parts of his majesty's dominions, in which persons so circumstanced might be disposed of occasionally, and where, while they were usefully employed, they might receive that protection, and most of all, those instructions best calculated to repair, as much as possible, the wrongs both of themselves and of their countrymen. Mr. Pitt concluded by declaring that he should vote for the total abolition of the trade.

List of the Minority.

Abbot, Charles
Adair, James
Adeane, J. W.
Annesley, F.
Baker, William
Bankes, Henry
Baring, John
Bastard, J. P.
Belgrave, viscount
Bullock, J.
Burch J. R.
Burdon, R.
Buxton, R. J.
Calvert, J. jun.
Canning, George
Carysfort, ear! of
Courtenay, John
Dundas, Charles
Dolben, sir W.
Eliot, hon. E. J.
Eliot, hon. J.
Fitzpatrick, R.
Fletcher, sir H.
Fox, hon. Charles J.
Francis, Philip
Grey, Charles
Halhed, N. B.
Hare, James
Harrison, John
Howard, Henry
Hussey, William
Jodrell, R. P.

Stanley, J. T.

Steele, T.

Thornton, S.

Thornton, R.

Whitbread, S.

Thornton, H.

Townshend, C.

Wilberforce, W.

Windham, W.

Winnington, si E.

Wood, R.

General Tarleton rose, amidst repeated cries for the question, and claimed the attention of the House to the great injustice which would be done to the commerce of Liverpool, if this trade were abolished. The dry docks there had, he said, been built principally on account of the African trade. He stated, from authorities which he could depend on, that the Americans, the Spaniards, and the Swedes, were offering the greatest encouragement for Debate on Mr. Grey's Motion for a Comthe prosecution of this trade, and he de-mittee on the State of the Nation.] March clared, as he was sure both Spain and America would encourage the traffic of slaves, so would Ireland, which would rise on the ruin of Liverpool. He concluded with moving "to leave out the word "now," and to add the words " upon this day four months."

Mr. Dent seconded the motion. He implored Mr. Pitt to pause, before he gave his vote for the abolition of a trade which produced a revenue of 3,600,000l. If the slave trade were to be abolished, he hoped the merchants would have some compensation from parliament. If this were not done, it would be a violation of the Bill of Rights.

The question being put "That the word 'now' stand part of the question," the House divided :

10. Mr. Grey rose, in conformity to his notice, to call the attention of the House to the state of the nation. He said that, whatever opinion might prevail as to the justice of the cause in which we were engaged, it must be acknowledged on all hands, in whatever view it was taken, that the situation of the country was such as the most sanguine could not look at with confidence. We were arrived at a crisis which was likely soon to lead us to life or death. Next to that Providence, in whose hands were the issues of life and death, the care, the vigilance, the firmness, the patriotism, and integrity, or the remissness, neglect, and corruption of those whom the people have chosen as the guardians of their liberties and the stewards of their fortune, would tend to decide the fate of the country, Under that impression it was that he called upon the House for the discharge of that duty which the constitution had vested in them, and which they could not omit to perform, without a breach of the trust reposed in them. He therefore solicited their attention to what he should have the honour to lay before them, a

series of facts, descriptive, in his opinion, of the state of the nation.

pay great attention to the improvement of their marine. This he mentioned merely to express the strong sense which he entertained of the necessity of our providing, if possible, against future jealousies. In looking to the rest of Europe, there was in the north an active and ambitious potentate, whose views of naval aggrandizement were apparent, and who, it was obvious, had entered into the war to raise herself upon the depression of other powers. That, therefore, would be an additional call upon us to maintain our naval superiority.

In entering upon this important subject, he felt considerable discouragement in referring to his experience of the conduct of the majority of that House, during the last three sessions. Nor was he at all relieved in looking around him that day, as it would seem, from the thin attendance, that many members did not think it worth their while to leave their dinners in order to examine into the situation of the country. Under these discouragements his hopes of success were not sanguine; but as he felt his duty to be im- Having premised thus much generally, portant, and such as he could not in ho- he should now proceed to the particular nour forego, he would endeavour to dis-object of his motion. We were now in charge it. A right hon. friend of his the fourth year of the war, and had some (Mr. Fox) had last year made a motion knowledge of the expense of the prefor a committee to inquire into the state ceding three years. During these three of the nation. He was impressed at that years we had added 77 millions to time with the danger with which this the capital of our funded debt. In order country was threatened. He took, as he to provide for the interest of this sum, was well qualified to take, a general view new taxes must be imposed to the amount of the situation, not merely of this of 2,600,000l. This debt, when compared country, but of Europe. Humbler should with the service performed while it was be his efforts, as humbler were his abi- accumulating, was of such enormous lities. magnitude as to demand the scrupulous The House of Commons were, in a pe- investigation of that House. The war culiar manner, the guardians of the pub- had been calamitous beyond example; lic purse, and sustaining this constitu- it had also been extensive to an extreme tional character, it was a duty immedi- degree; when, however, he compared it ately incumbent on them to watch care- with former wars, he was unable to find a fully the expenditure of the public money, just cause for this vast expense. If we and to attend to the resources of the looked at the war of king William, the country. It would be acknowledged present in extent or importance was not on all sides, that whatever might be their equal to it. Was not our religion and opinion of the cause of our present situa- constitution then at stake? The princition, that situation it was important to ples and objects of both wars were similar, know. Whether we were to continue the the sphere of operations as extensive, and war, or to look for a speedy peace, it was the exertions as great. To come, howextremely necessary for us to know the ever, to very recent times; let us comextent of our resources. Without the pare the expenses of the present war with most rigid economy we could not go on, those of the American war, when by the even supposing the great blessing of bad policy of his majesty's then advisers, peace to be arrived. Whenever peace we kept up a very large army, and we was made, it should be so made as to re- should find there was nothing to justify move, as much as possible, all grounds of the present enormous profusion. The jealousy. Without attention to this ob- present war exceeded the American war ject, we could not, even upon the conclu- in expense to a degree that would astosion of a peace, be said to be in a state of nish the House. We were in that war safety. Ministers had declared their wil-nearly matched with all Europe, beside lingness to treat, on suitable terms, with the present government of France. He hoped we should be able to treat with the French republic: but in treating we should recollect that in all probability, the French government would in future

"See Vol. 31, p. 1345.

the vast continent of America. In the latter place, we had an army of 40,000 men; at the same time we supported a vigorous war in the East and West Indies, and at Gibraltar braved the united forces of France and Spain; yet in six years of such a war we only incurred a debt of 53 millions. We had in the last three

debt was stated to be 10,788,000l.; to this must be added other sums, and it would appear that the excess of expenditure beyond the votes would amount to 13,700,000l. No man felt greater pride than he did in the superiority of our navy. When, however, he compared the force of that navy with the force of the enemy it had to contend with, he must say that the sum expended was extravagant beyond all example. When we had met the enemy at sea, he was proud to say our superiority had been decided; but if we looked at the general distribution of our strength, we had no reason to be satisfied. We had not received that advantage which might have been expected; nor had our trade at any period, or in any war, been so ill protected.

years exceeded that war of profusion
by 14 millions. He should be told that
great expense must necessarily follow
such a war as this. He admitted it.
But then he must contend that such ex-
called
pense upon the House to examine
it, to compare its amount with the services
performed, and to compare both the ser-
vice and amount of debt with those of
former wars. During the last three
years, there had been incurred for the
navy, a debt of 15,200,000l.; for the army,
17,600,000/; for the ordnance 2,600,000;
in all, about 35,400,000l.—a sum infi-
nitely greater than ever had been voted
for the same services during the same
period. After the House had granted to
the minister every thing he asked, they
would be astonished when they found
that, in addition to this, enormous sums
had been expended without estimate,
without the consent of parliament.

*

With regard to the Army we were not in a better situation. The extraordinary expense above the estimate exceeded nine millions, and the vote of credit was more than double that of any former period. In elucidation of this part of his subject, Mr. Grey entered into various calcula tions, and maintained, that the whole sum expended under this head, not specifically voted for that purpose, amounted to upwards of fourteen millions, and over which, speaking upon principle, parliament had no control; for the items had not been previously submitted to them. This system had been severely reprobated during the administration of lord North; and again in 1782, in the report of a committee of that House of which the present chancellor of the exchequer was himself a member. In the war of king William, which lasted nine years, the extraordi

The first head of expense which called for the attention of the House was the Navy, and he wished to remind them of the principle which the minister avowed long ago, with regard to the navy debt, The right hon. gentleman was minister in 1782, and was therefore responsible for the tenor of the king's speech at that time. In 1782 the speech from the throne recommended to the serious consideration of parliament," that part of the debt which consists of navy, ordnance, and victualling bills," and farther stated that "the enormous discount upon some of these bills showed this mode of payment to be a most ruinous expedient." This speech must be taken to convey the sentiments which the minister then entertained upon this subject. Indeed, he had him-naries of the army did not exceed self confirmed it in 1793; for when he asked for a loan of 4,500,000l., he said he had made ample provision for an extensive scale of expense. He made a pledge to the House, at the beginning of the war, that, as far as he was able, he would keep down that which was usually called the extraordinaries of the navy, and would prevent the accumulation of unfunded debt. But how stood the case? Having received an estimate exceeding the liberality and even profusion of former parliaments; having carried extraordinary expenses farther than ever had been known in the same length of time in any former war, the sum expended beyond the estimate was enormous. The navy

* See Vol. 23, p. 209.

1,200,000l. In queen Anne's war, which lasted eleven years, only two millions. And what had we to comfort us for this immense expense of our army? Not even a single victory. The American war was once supposed to be the acme of profusion. But in 1778, 1779, and 1780, the whole extraordinaries of that war, did not amount to nine millions. In the American war we had an army of 40,000 men acting offensively. We acted vigorously in the West Indies. Our success against the united force of France and Spain at Gibraltar was brilliant. But in the last year of the present war, had we done any thing that was worth recording? We had an army on the continent, which came home without doing any thing. We had an expedition to Isle Dieu and +

to Quiberon. As to the West Indies, had
we an army to act on the offensive there?
They were not only not so, but to a certain
extent unable to preserve themselves.
He would say, therefore, that the extra-
vagance of the last year of this war was
so great; the effect of it so disastrous to
us; the weakness of the councils con-
ducting it so manifest; that if the House
refused to go into an inquiry upon it,
they would surrender to the minister the
power specially vested in them by the
constitution for the benefit of the people.
The next point to be considered was
the Ordnance, in which we had been told,
there had been great reform and reduction
of expense.
For this head of service,
2,608,000l. was voted on estimate; and it
appears from the accounts, that the ex-
traordinaries amount to 2,964,000l., a sum
actually exceeding the estimate. To this
deficiency, the observations he had made
upon the army and navy would apply
with equal propriety. This mode of in-
creasing the public expenditure was un-
constitutional, and had been condemned
by parliament, and by the chancellor of
the exchequer himself. Yet we found
this system, so reproached and con-
demned, increasing every year under the
direction of this very minister. The total
of what had been expended without the
consent, and consequently without the
control, of parliament, amounted to
31,280,000/. This enormous sura, with
the sums voted by parliament, amounted
to 66,800,000l., funded in the 3 and 4 per
cents, spent in three years of the present
war, in which little could be found but
continued discomfiture, defeat, and dis-
grace. If that House suffered the people
of England thus to be drained of their
treasure without inquiry, they would rob
and plunder the people of England. He
had no doubt, the right hon. gentleman
would remind him of an event in which
his personal feelings were interested, and
ask him if he had forgot what had been
done in the West Indies? No, he cer-
tainly could not forget it; on the con-
trary, he was proud of it; but this was a
topic on which he would rather any body
else should speak than himself.

| laid before them a sufficient claim for inquiry. There were other instances of unconstitutional practices on the part of the executive government; and a principal one was the erection of Barracks. It was alarming enough to raise money for any purpose without the consent of parliament, but when that practice was made use of to invade the rights and privileges of the people, it was not only a breach of duty in a minister to incur such expense, but a still greater breach of duty in that House to suffer it. He would therefore say again, that if that House did not call the minister to account for his conduct with regard to these barracks, they would scandalously betray their trust.-Since the year 1790, upwards of 1,300,000/. had been raised without the knowledge or consent of parliament, in erecting barracks in this country. Are they to be permanent barracks? They will hold 40,000 men. Is that to be our peace establishment? 18,000 used to be the number in time of peace, together with 4,000 from Ireland for our colonies abroad. The opinions of the best writers upon our constitution, were clearly against barracks altogether. Barracks indeed they were called, but more properly by Blackstone, "inland fortresses." Why did not the minister tell the people plainly for what purpose these fortresses for 40,000 men were really erected? That subject demanded an inquiry. It was not the expense alone which created the objection, it was the influence which they might have, and which they might be intended to have; and the unconstitutional effect they. might produce. He said, he was warranted in entertaining this suspicion, when he coupled the barracks with certain expressions used in that House by the secretary at war, such as "a vigour beyond the law," and other expressions of an alarming nature.

The enormous amount of the army extraordinaries, the navy debt, and the ordnance extraordinaries, he had stated for the consideration of the House, as reasons why he thought it necessary to inquire into the state of the nation. He had stated likewise the unconstitutional He said he had stated in round sums mode of proceeding on a system that kept the money voted, as also the money ex- from the public eye the real state of pubpended beyond the estimate, as a ground lic affairs. He was arraigning in some on which he thought the House ought to degree, and charging with misconduct a inquire into the whole subject. If he minister who had only to ask and it was were to leave it here, he might, he con-given to him. That such a man, so conceived, be entitled to submit, that he had fided in and so supported, should have re