day of October, 1795, in the 36th year [Here follows the Ratification of General Washington, president of the United States, dated Philadelphia, 14th of August, 1795.] Debate in the Commons on the High Price of Corn.] Nov. 3. The House having resolved itself into a Committee to consider on the High Price of Corr, Mr. Pitt said, that what he had chiefly in view at present was, to lay the foundation of a permanent inquiry into a matter of much pressing importance. As a previous step, he should propose the appointment of a committee to inquire into the present High Price of Corn. The measure which was to be proceeded in, upon this occasion, would, he hoped, be facilitated by the steps which government had already taken; at the same time, much would remain for the House itself to determine. Whatever remedy should be applied, care should be taken not to injure our commerce, manufactures, or agriculture. He would, first of all, propose some alteration in the law upon the subject; and, under the head of regulation, meant to bring in a bill for amend ing the law relative to the assize of bread. The necessity of this alteration was chiefly impressed upon his mind by the frequent communications to government from the chief magistrate of the city of London. Another circumstance respecting bread, was extremely material to be considered, namely, a regard to that which was made of wheat of the first quality. As the law stood, the farmer had an interest in preventing its coming into consumption. This he should propose to remedy. A third consideration appeared to him of still greater importance. He trusted there would not be found any great inconvenience in introducing into general consumption not only bread made of wheat, but that which was mixed with other grain, in which, he was happy to learn, the harvest had been most abundant. Possibly, also, it might be made of Indian corn, a mode of remedy, which, he had reason to believe, might be successfully applied. From repeated experiments, he was enabled to state, that mixed bread of this and other kinds might be as wholesome, and as palatable, as any we had been accustomed to eat; and therefore, without inconvenience, it might be brought into general consumption. The law, he should have to propose, would include this useful sub stitute. A considerable quantity of the flour of wheat was employed in the mak ing of starch. This, he apprehended, might be prevented in' a better way than by prohibiting the making of starch. Articles not applicable to the food of man might be used in the making of starch: and thus a considerable reduction might be made in the consumption of wheat by this article. He also proposed to move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent obstruction in the transit of grain and other provisions within the kingdom. This, he trusted, would contribute, in a great degree, to the relief of the distress.-These were the principal measures which, in this stage of their proceeding, he thought it necessary to state. It might be asked, why he did not bring forward a bill to prevent the working of distilleries? He did not mean to deny that some advan tages would be derived from stopping the distilleries: but it should be recollected, that they were already stopped until Fe bruary, and, perhaps, that might give full time for inquiry. The first thing was, to ascertain whether bread of a mixed quality might not be usefully introduced into general consumption; whether rye, barley, oats, and potatoes, might not become greatly serviceable for that purpose; and, those considerations determined, it would be time enough to examine the propriety of stopping 50 great a source of revenue as the distilleries. Mr. Pitt then moved, "That a select Committee be appointed to take into consideration the present High Price of Corn, and to collect evidence relative thereto; and to report the same to the House." Mr. Lechmere said, that the House could come to no effectual remedy for the evil, unless the causes of that evil were first ascertained. We had perhaps had as plentiful an harvest as the Great Author of all Blessings ever gave us; the poor man, nevertheless, who ploughed the earth which produced that plenty, was starving, or driven to very great distress indeed, and entirely unable to support his family. One of the great causes of the present distress, he took to be the monopoly of farms. The great farmer was enabled to raise an enormous quantity of corn. By his opulence he had it in his power to withhold corn from the public market, while the little farmer was compelled to sell it, be the market price what it might. It was notorious, that there proper. He could not, however, help fearing that the regulation proposed was not a regulation from which the distressed were likely to derive immediate benefit; because every regulation respecting bread, demanded that it should be taken up and founded on the most correct of all principles: consequently, the discussion of the subject would take up much time. Whether any fault was imputable to the farmer, he did not know; but, as far as he had heard, although it was never higher than at present, yet, according to the price of corn and meal, bread had not been higher than the proportion between meal and bread required it should be; therefore, he was afraid we were not likely to find an imme were now farms occupied by one man which | formerly supported twelve or fourteen industrious families. He did not know that the House could remedy that crying evil; but, if they could put a stop to the future progress of it, they would do away a very great mischief. Some of these farmers had long leases, with which the legislature could not perhaps interfere. The next great evil which he knew of was jobbing in corn. The jobbers in corn and horned cattle, were instruments of great oppression to the people. He spoke not of the corn dealer, for there was as much difference between him and a corn-jobber, as there was between a man who lends his money at 5 per cent. and an usurer. In order to prevent petty-fogging corn-deal-diate remedy for the evil by this regulaers doing more mischief, he would propose that no man should be permitted to deal in that article without taking out a licence at a high price. In the part of the country he came from, the practice was, for the farmer to come to market with a small sample in a little bag. The corn-dealer says, "If your corn is all like this, I will buy it." The consequence was, that if a man came to market for a little corn, he was told, the farmer had sold the whole of it. He should therefore propose that the farmer should bring to market no less a sample than a bushel. If he was told, it was impossible to bring all the corn to market, he would answer, -Let a proper number of granaries be erected all over the kingdom, where corn may be sold as at a market, and for a market price; and where the poor man may at least have his bushel for his money, as well as the corn-dealer. The objection which had been made to this was, that there would be a difficulty in having the corn ground. To which he would answer, that a hand-mill would grind all the corn which a poor man could purchase. Mr. For said, he did not rise to oppose the measure proposed by the minister that evening. On the contrary, he agreed with him in most of the provisions which he had stated. He thought many of them not only good, but, perhaps, better than any others which could be offered upon the same topics. He rose chiefly to make some general observations, which appeared to him to belong to the nature of the proceeding about to be entered upon. With respect to the assize of bread in London, the authority whence the regulation came, was of great weight, and, he believed, that some regulation would be tion in the assize of bread. The right hon. gentleman had spoken of palatable and wholesome bread being to be made out of a mixture of different articles with wheat. He had no doubt but that this mixture, when it came into general consumption, would be advantageous in times of scarcity; but when gentlemen talked of palatable and wholesome bread, they should not talk of bread for themselves,— they should lay that out of their consideration. Bread of a mixture was, to him, as palatable, and, for aught he knew, as wholesome, as that which was made of the finest wheat; but that was not sufficient for the poor. It was to them an important thing that it should be nutritious, as well as palatable and wholesome. He wished the House to consider that point as it really was. Suppose, for instance, a fourth part of this bread should be made of potatoes, then that fourth of wheat would be saved in quantity; but this was not, to the poor, a saving of one-fourth, because the quality of the bread was so far inferior to that which was made whol ly of wheat, and consequently, so far an abatement of nourishment, which must be made up by other food. In looking to the thing in this view, they ought to calculate upon a very different principle from that of allowing a saving of one-fourth.-But there is another point, as to the nature of the scarcity, which deserves attention. There are two sorts of scarcity, the one arising from a defective produce, and the other from an increased consumption; and it is extremely interesting to ascertain which of these has the most influence in producing the present scarcity. If this scarcity, and the consequent high price, were confined merely to the article. of bread, it would then appear, with sufficient certainty, that it originated with the cause which had so much been insisted on, namely, the defective produce of the two last harvests. But, is bread the only article eminently dear? Has not the same advance of price taken place with respect to meat; and likewise with respect to the produce of dairy farms, on which the season cannot be supposed to have had any unfavourable influence? The price of butter is very nearly, on the average, as high as that of wheat: instead of nine-pence or ten-pence, as formerly, it is now sold at thirteen-pence per pound. But what affords the most striking proof, that the high price does not arise merely from the deficiency of the harvest, is, that with respect to barley, the produce of which is admitted, this season, to have been plentiful beyond example, a similar advance of price has taken place. -It is not, therefore, to one cause that we are to look as the sole source of the present evil. It proceeds from a variety of causes, complicated in their nature, and extensive in their operations. I do not ascribe this scarcity solely to the war, pernicious as it has been in its effects. I admit, even, that part of the causes to which it may be traced, may be connected with a certain state of prosperity of the country. The war certainly has had a most decided effect, so far as it has tended to increase the consumption, to diminish the production and to preclude the possibility of obtaining supplies, which might have been drawn from other quarters. But if there are other circumstances which have operated along with those arising from the war-if the evil has proceeded from many and complicated causes -nothing can be more mischievous than to ascribe it solely to one cause, and to proceed as if that were the fact. It is against this error that I most particularly wish to warn the committee in the course of their inquiries. If, from a mistaken view of the subject, they should be led to apply a remedy merely to a single cause, instead of producing that good which is the object of the discussion, they may give additional weight and force to the other causes, which have been instrumental in bringing about the evil.-There are some other particulars, on which the right hon. gentleman touched, to which I shall shortly advert. He admitted, that the declaration of an intention to continue the prohibition on the distilleries beyond the period now fixed by the act, might have some effect in lowering the price of provisions; but seemed to have some hesitation, whether it would be expedient or necessary, to adopt such a measure. Undoubtedly, if the measure is not intended to be adopted, no declaration ought to be made. But the objection of the right hon. gentleman seemed to be, that the continuance of the prohibition would have the effect of lessening the revenue. I certainly should consider whatever was so lost to the revenue, as well gained to the country, in point of the industry and morals of its inhabitants. Besides if this prohibition should occasion an increased importation of foreign spirits, the revenue would gain from the additional duty on these, with less danger to that class of the community, whose labours and whose virtues form the strength and security of the state. To protect their industry, and to guard their morals, is the first duty of a statesman, and the best interest of a nation. Narrow-sighted, indeed, and pernicious would be the policy of the minister, who sought to draw the sources of his revenue from their dissipation and intemperance, from the relaxation of their ha-. bits and the debasement of their character. I therefore can see no reason why the prohibition on the distilleries ought not to be continued, and, thinking as I do on the subject, the policy is obvious, of announcing that intention as speedily as possible.-An hon. gentleman has thrown out some ideas with respect to the state of agriculture. Much of what he said I highly approve. But though I admit the facts which he has stated, as well as the exigency of the crisis, I cannot agree with him as to the propriety of resorting to any system of coercion by way of remedy. I doubt whether such a remedy would be effectual; I fear it might increase the evil. Scope must always be left to the exertions of industry: attempt to fetter and you always destroy them. The proprietor must be allowed to let his land, the farmer to conduct his business and bring his grain to market, in the way which they find most convenient for their own interest. In the course of investigating the subject, I have found some of my friends to whose authority I pay great deference, who thought that the state of the country required coercive measures. I, however, have not been able to coincide with them in this opinion. The state of a country which calls for such measures, 241] Proclamations respecting Seditious Practices, &c. A. D. 1795. must be one nearly approaching to famine. Even then, their effect could only be temporary, and extorted by the exigency of the moment: they might last perhaps for a week or a fortnight, or a month, but then they must necessarily cease. I ob ject to them, not merely because they are inefficient, but because they are, in themselves inconsistent with that just and liberal protection which ought to be afforded to industry, and with that wise and sound policy which best secures the interests of the public, by keeping up a spirit of competition in the market.-I have said thus much, not for the purpose of marking any disagreement of opinion with the right hon. gentleman, but in order to show the spirit with which I wish to enter upon the inquiry, and the necessity I feel of putting our shoulders to the task imposed upon us, and devising the best means of relief for this national calamity. Above all, I wish again to call the attention of the House to what I before urged -that it is not to any single cause that we are to look for the source of an evil so gradual in its progress, so extensive in its operation, and which has at last arrived at such a height, as no longer to brook any delay in the discussion. There are some who think that the price of labour has not kept pace with the increased price of provisions. I am afraid that this disproportion too much takes place in almost all the counties of England, and that while provisions have been rapidly rising to an unexampled height, labour has by no means advanced in proportion. It is, indeed, a melancholy and alarming fact, that the great majority of the people of England-an enormous and dreadful majority-are no longer in a situation in which they can boast that they live by the produce of their labour; and that it does regularly happen, during the pressure of every inclement season, that the industrious poor are obliged to depend for subsistence on the supplies afforded by the charity of the rich. I agree in opinion with those who think that the price of labour ought to be advanced, and the great majority of the people of England, freed from a precarious and degrading dependence. But I much question whether any compulsory measures ought to be adopted for this purpose. Disapproving, as I do, in every instance of coercion, excepting where it is called for by the last necessity, and justified by the occasion which gives it birth, I wish this salutary measure, of advancing [VOL. XXXII.] [242 the wages, to proceed, rather from the justice and humanity of the gentlemen in the different counties, than from the obligation of a legislative act. I recommend all those who have influence in the country, to countenance it by their example. At the same time I greatly fear that no alteration can take place in the present circumstances so material as completely to do away the evil. The disproportion is so immense, that I fear it will be found impossible either to raise the price of labour to the rate of provisions, or to lower the rate of provisions, so as to meet the price of labour. In this point of view, I deeply regret the continuance of those hardships, which are already but too sen sibly felt by the lower classes of the community. At the same time, I anticipate the most beneficial consequences from the investigation about to be instituted. I trust that the information collected from different quarters will be found applicable to much practical utility, and productive of the most seasonable relief. After a short conversation, the motion was agreed to. Copies of the King's Proclamations respecting Seditious Meetings, &c.] Nov. 4. The following Proclamations were laid be. fore both Houses: "BY THE KING-A PROCLAMATION. "GEORGE R. "Whereas, on the 29th day of this instant month of October, divers persons riotously assembled and stationed in different places in our city of Westminster, proceeded to commit certain daring and highly criminal outrages, in gross violation of the public peace, to the actual danger of our royal person, and to the interruption of our passage to and from our parliament; we, therefore, with the advice of our privy council, in pursuance of an address from our two Houses of parliament, do hereby enjoin all magistrates, and all other our loving subjects, to use their utmost endeavours to discover and cause to be apprehended the authors, actors, and abettors concerned in such outrages, in order that they may be dealt with according to law; and we do hereby promise, that any person or persons, other than those actually concerned in doing any act by which our royal person was immediately endangered, who shall give informa tion, so as that any of the authors, actors, or abettors concerned in such outrages as [R] aforesaid, may be apprehended and Given at our court at St. James's, GOD SAVE THE KING. “BY THE KING—A PROCLAMATION. "GEORGE R. "Whereas it has been represented to us, that immediately before the opening of the present session of parliament, a great number of persons were collected in fields in the neighbourhood of the metro polis, by advertisements and hand-bills, and that divers inflammatory discourses were delivered to the persons so collected; and divers proceedings were had, tending to create groundless jealousy and discontent, and to endanger the public peace, and the quiet and safety of our faithful subjects: and whereas it hath been also represented to us, that divers seditious and treasonable papers have been lately distributed, tending to excite evil disposed persons to acts, endangering our royal person. And whereas such proceedings have been followed on the day on which the present session of parliament commenced by acts of tumult and violence, and by daring and highly criminal outrages, in direct violation of the public peace, to the immediate danger of our royal person, and to the interruption of our passage to and from our parliament. And whereas great uneasiness and anxiety hath been produced in the minds of our faithful subjects, by rumours and apprehensions, that seditious and unlawful assemblies are intended to be held by evil disposed persons; and that such other criminal practices, as aforesaid, are intended to be repeated: We therefore have thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy council, to enjoin and require, all justices of the peace, sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, constables, and all other our loving subjects throughout our kingdom, to use the utmost diligence to discourage, prevent, and suppress all seditious and unlawful assemblies: and we do specially enjoin and command all our loving subjects, who shall have cause to suspect that any such assemblies are intended to be held in any part of our kingdom, to give the earliest information thereof to the magistrates of the several districts, within which it shall be suspected that the same are intended to be held; and if such assemblies shall nevertheless in any case be actually held, to be aiding and assisting, on being required thereto by the civil magistrate, in causing persons delivering inflammatory discourses in such assemblies, and other principal actors therein, to be forthwith apprehended, in order that they may be have also thought fit, by and with the addealt with according to law. And we vice aforesaid, to enjoin and require all justices of the peace, sheriffs, mayors bailiffs, constables, and all other our loving subjects, throughout our kingdom, to be in like manner aiding and assisting in bringing to justice all persons distributing such seditious and treasonable papers as aforesaid. Given at our court at St. James's the 4th day of November, in the 36th year of our reign. GOD SAVE THE KING. Debates in the Lords on the Treasonable Practices Bill.] Nov. 6. The order of the day being read for taking the King's Proclamations into consideration, Lord Grenville said, that those procla mations, and the facts they stated, were to be considered as the ground-work of the bill which he proposed to submit to the consideration of their lordships. It was notorious that the evil the bill aimed to correct, had got to such a height, that not only seditious papers were diffused, but meetings were publicly held, at which discourses were delivered of a nature calculated to inflame the passions of the multitude industriously collected to hear them. To that was to be ascribed the outrage that had lately taken place. It was no longer the flimsy pretence of some imaginary grievance, or the slight pretext of a wish for a parliamentary reform, that could be set up as the motive for such meetings. That thin veil had been lately torn away, and in the face of broad day an 1 |