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the order has been issued, rashly or improvidently, it may have become matter of absolute necessity to continue and confirm it. If the order of council has, indeed, arisen from the pressure of irresistible circumstances, so long as we remain ignorant of the causes which have led to this dreadful situation, we can only apply temporary palliatives for the evil. If it has arisen from the improvidence of financial arrangements, and from an unprincipled system of public expenditure, then the remedy is certain; but if, on the other hand, it had arisen from real financial and commercial embarrassments, then the prospect will indeed be melancholy for the country. If this unexampled distress has proceeded from the criminality of those at the head of affairs, we must then for a remedy recur to former principles, and endeavour to restore the vigilant policy and the pure administration of former periods; but if this calamity arises from the magnitude of the national debt, and from the rapid degree in which it has increased above the means of the country, we must then adopt a principle of conduct accommodated to this new situation in our affairs. Such is my conviction of the importance of the crisis, that I am persuaded that on the measures that shall be adopted within these three weeks, the fate of the country depends. It is my intention to move for a committee of inquiry. In my opinion, the more public the inquiry, the better will it answer the object for which it is intended. But there are, perhaps, some circumstances connected with the investigation, which might not be deemed proper to be generally divulged. I do not, however, mean to propose that the committee shall be chosen by ballot, but that the members shall be named in this House. An opinion has certainly gone abroad, that a great majority of this House repose an unlimited confidence in the minister. Now, if such be the surmise, it surely is better that the members of the committee shall be openly named in the House. If it be the opinion of ministers that their friends only should be members of the committee, let them express that opinion by their vote, and not regulate the appointment by the influence of ballot. We shall then be able to judge what expectation we may form from the committee. Mr. Fox then moved, "That a committee be appointed to inquire into the causes which produced the Order of Council of February 26."

General Walpole said, that the best way to restore public credit was, to give confidence to the people, which could only be by a removal of ministers. It was agreed on all hands that no blame attached to the Bank. It followed of course, therefore, that it must lie with the ministers. Upon this ground he seconded the motion.

Mr. Pitt did not rise so much to object to the propriety of a general inquiry, as to combat the idea of a necessity of enlarging the powers of the committee. The duty attached to that committee he conceived to embrace both objects of inquiry; therefore, if another committee were appointed, there would be one committee examining the propriety of continuing the measure of the privy council, and another for the examination of the causes producing the necessity of the measure. In his opinion, the whole ought to be the province of the same committee. For what advantage could be gained from a different mode of proceeding? Both inquiries were to proceed upon the same documents. The same papers would be required, and the same persons summoned for examination. But how could these papers be produced, and these persons attend before both the committees at the same time? It was impossible, and if no time could be gained by it, what objections could there be to referring both inquiries to the same committee-a committee to whom no objections could be started, since their names were not yet known [a cry of Hear, hear! from the opposition], at least whose names were not yet before the House. But it was argued by the right hon. gentleman that the committee ought to be publicly appointed, and the different names who were to compose it submitted to discussion. He really found it difficult to speak upon this part of the subject consistently with the orders of the House. In his opinion, to discuss the names of a committee, who necessarily must differ in their political sentiments, and who were to be appointed to try a political question, it would be becoming the dignity of the House to avoid. If a number of gentlemen conscientiously, and from a regard to duty were in the habits of acting with ministers, and if a number of other gentlemen, he was bound to say in candour, conscientiously and systematically opposed the measures of ministers, no person was entitled to say who was right and who

was wrong. All he contended for was, | prophet as to be able to tell the chances that there was no reason why a minority of a fair ballot. Mr. Sheridan then read who oppose, should have more weight in a the names on his list as follows: “Sir committee than a majority who support the John Scott-a very respectable name. government. It was presumptuous in any Isaac Hawkins Brown-a very proper perminority to pretend exclusively to inte- son. Charles Bragge-he will entertain grity, and it would be absurd in the coun- the committee with critical remarks. try to distrust the majority merely because John William Anderson, John Fane, T. they acted with ministers. As to the in- Grenville, W. Wilberforce, Charles Grey, quiry itself, it was a matter of indifference Sir John Mitford, W. Hussey, W. W. to him at what time the committee was Bird, W. Plumer, T. Powys, J. Blackappointed; but he thought it would be burne, T. B. Bramston." All very respectdesirable that the other inquiry should be able gentlemen! He must observe, howfinished first. When that was accom- ever, that in this list, ministers had not plished, he saw no objection to the in-preserved the rules of proportion, for his quiry now proposed; but he did see much objection to the manner in which it was proposed to appoint the committee.

side of the House were entitled to have five and a fraction. He did not charge the chancellor of the exchequer with making out the list himself. Here, said Mr. S., I see the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Dundas) smile, as if he would say, "No, my right hon. friend, in the innocence of his heart, never suspected such a thing; but there are plenty around him perfectly competent to the task." With respect to the question itself, he was perfectly indifferent whether an inquiry was instituted or not, if another com

Mr. Windham (secretary at war), said, that the hon. gentleman, had resorted to the expedient which it was his custom on all questions to introduce, in order to disparage and to degrade the House. He thinks he has proved his case, when he has shown that the men who are to form the committee are influenced by the opi

Mr. Sheridan said, that the mode of inquiry which the chancellor of the exchequer now proposed, was precisely that which was suggested by the amendment which had been rejected last night. He admitted, that the mode of appointing committees by ballot was a good one at first, but it was now become one of those good rules and good practices which were so often converted into masks of imposture and abuse. The right hon. gentle-mittee was not appointed. man affected to treat a public canvas for a committee as absurd and indecent but he might have recollected, that he himself had recourse to that absurd and indecent mode of appointing a committee at a very critical period. He would now ask him, why at that time he gave into such absurdity, and induced the House to act in a manner so unbecoming its dig-nions of those with whom they have been nity? It was because at that time he knew accustomed to act. What foppery was it the case to be delicate and nice, and that to adduce this as a charge of corruption, the country would not have been satisfied when it was so well known that the same with a ballotted committee, which they thing prevailed upon the other side! Why knew to be jury packed by ministers, to were not the opinions of those whose conserve the purposes which they had induct they generally approved, to have view. The right hon. gentleman asked, why they could object to a committee whose names they did not know? What could the right hon. gentleman say if he should assert that their names were known, and that several members, who got treasury lists put into their hands at the door of the House, went away in disgust. He could not be permitted, by the forms of the House, positively to say who would be on the list of the committee, but he should merely mention whose names, he would venture to predict, would appear on the list. If, however, that list agreed with his prediction, he presumed it would hardly be contended that he was such a VOL. XXXII.]

weight with members on this side of the House, as well as on the other? The cant of superior purity, and the charge of corruption, was the manner in which the minority commonly revenged themselves on the majority, and endeavoured to impose upon the public. The same charge might be imputed to the minority, because they were guided by the direction of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Fex)-a circumstance which he did not state as a reproach. Must, then, the smaller number arrogate to themselves the most perfect rectitude, and charge the majority with the very worst intentions? Surely this was a pretty modest pretension! In fact, [5 G]

the charge of corruption against such a body as the House of Commons, was in itself ridiculous. The number who could be supposed to act merely from interest must be very few. Did the House of Commons differ from the country at large in this respect? In places where influence could be less felt, the same character prevailed. Yet, take the majority of any extensive society in different parts-take them in the city of London-and the same charge might be brought against their purity.

exact economy and the most extensive retrenchments were required. The influence of the crown must be diminished: places which were not essential to the purposes of government must be abolished; and, above all, and without which nothing could be effectual, a reform in the representation must be introduced. He knew the use which would be made of this declaration; but he was not afraid to utter his sentiments, nor was he concerned for the consequences which might be drawn from his candour. Until he had Mr. Grey said, his hon. friend had been forfeited his claim to confidence by a accused of vilifying the House, and de- dereliction of his principles, he was entigrading it in public estimation. The tled to the credit of sincerity. It was right hon. gentleman held it to be useful said by the right hon. gentleman, was it that the mode of ballot should be so con-not natural that those who had systematiducted as to be formed by ministerial in- cally supported the measures of adminisfluence. He conceived it to be no dis-tration, and given them confidence, should grace to receive instruction from administration with regard to the names to be given in the lists. But if the investiga. tion was to be intrusted to a committee, formed in such a manner, it was not by the charge of his hon. friend, but by their own conduct, that the House would be degraded. It was said that this was the common cant of minorities, and that the opposition would act in the same manner were they placed in the same situation. But if gentlemen upon his side of the House were desirous to have influence with those who thought favourably of their principles, they would do it not by stealth but openly. They complained not that influence would produce its weight; but that the House displayed such readiness to confide. What was worst in this mode of forming the committee, was, that it pretended to be fair, while it could only have the effect to delude. The farce of a ballot ought at least to be laid aside, that the public might be able to judge of the purity they might have to expect. With regard to himself, he would say, and he wished his words to be remembered, that with the corruptions of the present government he would hold no communion, and if he thought his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox) in office, capable of maintaining the abuses at present prevailing, he would no longer afford him his support. There was no salvation for the country but in a complete investigation of the causes by which we were reduced to our present situation. There could be no renovation of public credit without a removal of the causes which had effected its destruction. To accomplish these objects, the most

feel the influence which this circumstance would produce? He would say, on the contrary, that it was unnatural and monstrous that they should feel this influence in favour of the minister. If public affairs had continued to move in a course of glory and prosperity-if credit had remained unimpaired-if the Bank of England had not stopped payment and govern ment committed an act of bankruptcy, then they might have given without a blush their support to the minister. But, after he had led us from one disaster to another, to the very brink of ruin, could he call for, could he expect our confi. dence? Ministers stood arraigned as having destroyed the public prosperity. They might obtain an acquittal; but it was right, it was decent, that the tribunal should be so constituted as to give weight to a sentence of acquittal. For this purpose, then, ballot was not the mode of proceeding. The best way would be, to refer the consideration of the first point to one committee, and the investigation of the causes to another; for there was nothing to prevent them from proceeding at the same time without inconvenience.

Mr. Wilberforce rose, to vindicate the dignity and consistency of the majority of the House, from the aspersions thrown out against them by gentlemen opposite. If government, as was reported, had actually offered the lists of members proper to be balloted for, and gentlemen, in conse. quence of that measure, either approved of or altered them, was not that proceeding a right one? He had altered the list presented to himself, and had thus exer

cised his right, not with a slavish acquies-violent declamation used by some gentlecence, but according to his discretion. men who followed him, and by the Such a charge was peculiarly ill-timed, laughter which one hon. gentleman, and came very awkwardly from the gen- through the greater part of his speech, tlemen opposite, who had at that moment had too successfully studied to excite in lists passing between them expressly to discussing a topic which required pecuthe same intent. It became the country liar delicacy and gravity, at a period so to inquire what retrenchments might be momentous to the public welfare. The made; and no person would rejoice more real merits of the question appeared to him at such a proceeding than the chancellor to lie in a small compass. The House of the exchequer. The opinion of the had last night passed a vote in which he public was held out as being against the had cordially concurred. It had been sense of the majority of the House, unanimously agreed, that it was their duty though the fact was directly opposite. to inquire into the causes which led to He recollected that such arguments were the order of council. Now a proposition applied to him in 1783, and 1784, in 1790, was made to nominate a new committee and 1796, yet when he returned to his for that inquiry. Ministers resisted the constituents, instead of finding the senti motion, but were willing to consent, that ments of the people against him, the re- an instruction to the same effect should verse was manifest. In the actual state be given to the committee, for the apof the country and of the world, it was pointment of which a ballot had just been impossible not to be exposed to some taken; submitting at the same time to evils, in spite of the utmost wisdom of the House, whether it would be best to any administration. But from the very give that instruction now, or to wait till outset of the war, much of the public the committee should have gone through calamity was, he was convinced, owing to the subjects already intrusted to their inthe conduct of opposition, and of those vestigation. And upon this a charge of who had proceeded to lengths which the inconsistency was brought against minisopposition would not avow. ters, as if they had thus in effect adopted the amendment negatived last night, which would at once have referred to the committee the general inquiry into all the causes of our present situation, and then, by a subsequent instruction which the hon. mover had announced his intention of adding, would have restrained the committee to report first upon the immediate cause, the existing necessity for the issuing of the order. For his part, he saw in the two modes of proceeding a marked distinction on the very face of them. In both it was true, the same subject would comunder the consideration of the committed in the same order of time; but the importance which the House would appear to attribute to the immediate cause, the actually existing necessity, would be very different, whether it were kept distinct, or whether it were confused in the multitude of possible causes, more or less remote. The charge of inconsistency, he thought, might be fairly retorted upon those, who having last night wished to appoint one committee now wished to have two. But his principal objection was, the perplexity which two committees would occasion. Both would have to inquire into the immediate cause. If both should examine the same witnesses and call for the same documents, they must

Mr. Curwen said, that had a list been brought to him, in order to influence his choice in nominating a committee, he should have regarded it as an insult. The aspect of the times was such that he felt himself compelled to support the minister, not from any approbation of his conduct, but because nothing else was left to be done by any gentleman who had a stake in the country. We ought no longer to deceive the country, but to go fairly into an inquiry that might heal its wounds.

The Master of the Rolls was of opinion that it would be improper to appoint a second committee, during the sitting of that which the House had just appointed. Dr. Laurence addressed the House in a maiden speech. He began by observing, that ever since the order of council had been published, he had endeavoured to chastise and discipline his feelings, so as to look at the awful state of the country coolly and dispassionately, but with firmness and resolution. In that temper of mind he had come to the House, and he was happy to acknowledge that the manner in which the right hon. gentleman had introduced his motion was fair, candid, and in no respect discordant with his feelings. Yet he could not avoid saying that they were considerably affected by the

mutually retard each other's proceedings. | mination. On that occasion the two right hon. gentlemen on the opposite sides of the House alternately named a member. If that practice should once be established, it would not merely vilify and degrade the House; it would wholly annihilate its character of a deliberative assembly; it would avowedly divide the House into two parties under two adverse chiefs; it would hold them forth to their constituents and the world, as sitting there to hear causes argued by two eloquent counsel, who might make compromises or references as their own interests, discretion, or convenience might dictate: a condition to which he trusted the House would never suffer itself to be reduced.-When the report of the committee should be on the table, if from their conduct any just objection could be advanced against any or all the members, he should feel himself at liberty to vote for a partial or a total change. He would never, he said, repose a blind confidence; but he would repose a general confidence; in particular cases, where the circumstances demanded it he would inquire; but he would never blindly rush into inquiry. In his opinion there was no more delicate consideration in the practice of our constitution than the precise point where confidence ought to end, and inquiry begin. Upon the wise application of both, in proper season, depended in our constitution that union of opposite excellencies, which some had thought chimerical, the secresy, dispatch and consistency of a pure monarchy with the cumulative impulse, weight, and force as well as the means which publicity affords of checking all abuses in a pure democracy.

If the reports of both should alternately
agree in this point, there would have been
an unnecessary and inconvenient delay on
a subject peculiarly pressing. If there
should be any material variation between
the two reports, laid together on the table,
a third committee must be chosen to de-
cide between the former two; and the si-
tuation of the House would be still worse,
if one report having been early made, the
House should take any legislative measure
upon that, and what they had done should
afterwards be impeached by another re-
port from the secret committee. It would
be most expedient therefore to wait till
the committee already appointed, had
fully discharged all its present functions,
and then to consider in what manner the
general inquiry into the causes should be
conducted. As a reason for proceeding
to institute a new committee, the present
had been said to be chosen through cor-
rupt influence; and a list had been read,
which, it was prophesied, would be found
to contain the names of the actual mem-
bers, when the result of the scrutiny into
the ballot should be declared. He did not
himself know whether any list had been
circulated really containing those names.
But what was admitted about the list, was
enough to satisfy him. It had been dis-
tinctly allowed, that all the names were
highly respectable. Now, the only argu-
ment, which the right hon. mover had
himself urged for preferring an open no-
mination to a ballot, was the opportunity
of objecting to any improper person; but
it was confessed that not only that end had
been attained in the present instance, but
a positively good committee had been
procured, of men possessing ability, inte-
grity, and every other requisite for the
public service. He should never be in
haste to reform ancient practices which
drew after them such beneficial conse-
quences; he should rather cherish the cor-
ruption which produced such purity. In-
deed, the open nomination which had been
proposed, was no less subject to influence
than a ballot. It mattered little whether
one right hon. gentleman, or the other
publicly named a person to the choice of
the House, or put his name written on a
slip of paper, into the hand of his next
neighbour'; they who voted, or they who
ballotted, would equally pay regard to the
authority of the proposer.
But the pre-
cedent, to which reference had been made,
showed the real nature of the intended no-

Mr. Courtenay lamented the acuteness of his learned friend's feelings, as he hadimagined that he was not of quite so nervous a frame. The delicacy of his feelings, however, had been disturbed by every thing which had occurred on that side of the House. The state of the country had agitated his feelings, the pleasantry of his hon. friend, by forcing him to laugh, had thrown him into so violent a tremor, that he had almost lost the power of speech. The learned doctor's feelings seemed to be of the texture of Tilburina, in the Critic, who was in continual alarm lest her feelings should be disturbed. He could not conceive how this unco: mon delicacy had been produced, till he that the innate modesty the doctor must have been greatly strengthened and improved in Doctors'-commons in the

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