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that it was no more than the counter-part of their own plot; the alarm-bell, to terrify the people into weak compliances. He thought it was a scheme planned and executed by ministers themselves, for the purpose of continuing their power, a power which drew the constitution into their own hands, and which he would not consider as safely lodged while in their possession.

The Address was agreed to, and communicated to the Commons at a conference.

Debate in the Commons on the Address

moment was most improper for negociation. He was not sure that the new plan of government met with the approbation of the French people. The decree for the re-election of two-thirds was generally known to be extremely obnoxious, and as it had been necessary to employ the army devoted to the Convention, to enforce its execution, the whole appeared to him no other than a military government. It was even still doubtful to which party the victory would fall. The anarchy in which France had been involved was still the same. In short nothing seemed to indicate a return of a stable

and permanent government. He concluded with moving an Address to his majesty, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech.

of Thanks.] Oct. 29. His Majesty's Speech having been read from the Chair, The Earl of Dalkeith said, that with the indulgence of the House he would state his reasons for moving an Address in anThe Hon. Robert Stewart rose to seswer to his Majesty's Speech from the cond the Address. He began with dethrone. He could not but consider his claring, that he would not trespass upon majesty well warranted in feeling the sa- that indulgence with which young tisfaction he expressed at the improved speakers were commonly favoured. After aspect of affairs. He desired the House several handsome compliments to lord calmly to weigh the occurrences of the Dalkeith on the able manner in which he war. On the continent, the French had had moved the address, he first took a certainly gained considerable advantages, view of the leading features of the war, but they were pretty equally balanced by and the original grounds of justice and their losses in other quarters. In the necessity upon which it had been underEast Indies our successes had been unin. taken. Much of his argument was aimed terrupted. In the West Indies, indeed, at illustrating the idea first expressed in our prosperity had neither been so en- his majesty's speech, namely, that since couraging, though, upon the whole, he the last year the situation of public afconsidered affairs in that quarter as abun- fairs was materially improved. In exdantly favourable. It was natural to ex- amining the state of France it was clear, pect, from the unparalleled extent of our he said, that her finances and her energy commerce, that it would be exposed to were nearly exhausted. She had derived occasional losses. Yet, compared with the extraordinary vigour which she had the trade we had to protect, the loss was displayed from the operation of the systrivial. The commerce of the enemy was tem of terror. Her expenses were enorannihilated. The present powerful ar- mous, and could not long be supported. mament destined to the West Indies, and Her means of raising supplies were to the high reputation and talents of the the disbursements exactly in the ratio of leaders, to whom the enterprise was con- seventy to one. This was proved by the fided, afforded reason to expect the most speeches and reports made from their brilliant advantages. The present was a committees to the Convention. So great contest in which every thing was to be was the discredit of their paper currency, effected by exertion. Nothing was to be that the Convention had decreed the recall hoped in the view of a peace, from the in- of the assignats, while, from their total fluence of reason, policy, or humanity, want of all commerce and manufactures, upon the conduct of the enemy, who it was impossible that specie could be looked only to the events of war. It was procured. The system by which Robesnecessary to impress them with a convic-pierre attained power, and by which he tion of their inability to accomplish the criminal projects they had formed; and he was confident that a disgraceful peace would be more mortifying to Englishmen, than all the evils they could suffer from the most disastrous war. The present

governed, was founded upon cruelty and terror. The present measures he considered as guided pretty nearly by the

*The present Viscount Castlereagh, [a. D. 1817.]

same principles, and possessing much of the same character. The severities which prevailed under the former were exercised under the present rulers. He adduced the instance of Barrère and his associates, and the practice of condemning men by military, instead of revolutionary, tribunals; both of which were equally repugnant to a government that affected to ground itself on the principles of freedom, equality, and justice. He confessed that the last campaign had not been distinguished by brilliant success. Our exertions, however, had been usefully employed. The war had forced the enemy to adopt unjustifiable means for the support of an unjustifiable system. Yet this system necessarily tended to exhaust itself, and to weaken them by the victories it enabled them to obtain. Their incapacity to injure was our best guarantee, and to this point by our exertions we had reduced, and were still contributing to reduce them.-Distressing, as it was, to see the necessity of additional burthens, it was a consolation to perceive our resources unimpaired. No where were the people deprived, of the comforts of life by the effects of the war-no where were they vexed or oppressed. Monied ment were readily found to lend upon favourable terms, the sums necessary for the expenses of government. The next budget would, he hoped, show that there were still many good objects of taxation, while those of last year could not be called burthensome to the people, and it afforded a consolatory reflection, that the taxes we already felt, and the national debt, great as it was, were in a state of liquidation. This favourable view of our situation he believed the opposite side of the House, disposed as they were to dwell upon our disasters, would not venture to contradict. The defection of some of our allies from the general cause he lamented; but if we regarded their conduct as treacherous and disgraceful, it would ill become us to select it for imitation. There was, however, some argument to be urged in their justification. They had made peace not merely compelled to it by disasters, but when the principles of the French government were changed, when her system of conquest and of intermeddling in the affairs of foreign states was abandoned. Close to the frontier of the enemy on one side, and having a suspicious friend on the other, their existence, which was paramount to

all treaties, was endangered. Such was the situation of the Hanoverian dominions, and he hoped that no serious argument would be raised by the opposite side of the House, on the conduct of the elector of Hanover. Such a theme might be a proper subject for a schoolboy's exercise, or for a declamation at Copenhagen-house, but it was unworthy a real statesman. The different situation of Hanover and of this country, pointed out the different politics we had to pursue. Fortune, and not the arms of France, had conquered Holland. The slowness with which the new principles operated, was a proof of the dislike in which they were held by many, and of the short possession they would probably maintain of that country.-To our navy much attention had obviously been paid, and to the diversion made upon the continent, the power of our employing it to the best advantage was chiefly ascribeable. Never, in fact, had the arms of Britain been more fortunate by sea. In every important station-the Mediterranean, the East and West Indies, we were masters. The present armament to the latter would, in all probability, secure us so large a share in the colonies as would compensate, in a great measure, for the enormous acquisition of territory by the French armies.-He approved of the principle of the war, and reposed the most unlimited confidence in the chancellor of the exchequer, that he would embrace the earliest opportunity of making peace. Had the right hon. gentleman pledged himself to negociate with any particular form of government in France, when pressed by the opposite side of the House, he should have considered him as unworthy of his confidence. He believed him to be actuated by no interested motives, and he trusted that he would be guided by no precipitate views. Anxiety and eagerness for peace would not, he hoped, allow our efforts to be broken, and he confidently expected that the period would arrive, when we might look back to the exertions we had made, as having been employed not less in preserving the safety of our country, than in contributing to the general security of Europe,

Mr. Sheridan said, he was indeed surprised to find that the fifth word of the speech was the word "satisfaction." As the speech, not of the king, but of the minister, he would exercise his constitutional right as a member of parliament,

him to adopt measures which no argu-
ments or events can recommend to those
who now regulate his councils. That vir-
tuous lady, the empress of Russia, it was
likewise said, had sent her fleet to the
North Seas, but it was to eat English
meat and to learn English discipline, not
to afford a cordial co-operation in any
professed object of the war. It had been
said, that general discontent would pro-
duce some change in the situation of the
affairs of France. If sufferings and cala-
mity contributed to produce any practical
improvement in the constitution of a
country, he wished the principle to be
applied to ourselves. And if a state of
misery, and famine, and discontent were
the guides to a better order of things, the
people of England were in the high road
of its attainment.-The armament of the
West Indies appeared to him to infer the
utmost criminality in ministers. The fleet
ought to have sailed six weeks ago, in-
stead of which it could not set sail for at
least a fortnight. It had been remarked
by the hon. gentleman, that the ministers
acted upon no principles, and that for this
reason they merited his confidence.
must be confessed indeed, that they dis-
covered no fixed principles in the conduct
of their plans, or in the choice of the objects
of their exertions. The secretary of state
for the war department had boasted that
the expedition to the West Indies was at
favourite with him. This right hon. gen-
tleman was no knight-errant, he was one
of those who wished to obtain some valua-
ble acquisition, and had no objection to
lay hold of an island to swell the number
of our colonies. A young man (Mr. Jen.
kinson), more sanguine in the cause of
the emigrants and of monarchy, had pro-
posed to march instantly to Paris; he
wished to strike at the heart of the Re-

It

and examine it freely. To be satisfied with every thing had been esteemed a mark of piety and christian resignation. In this view, the present ministers were the most pious men in the world. They were satisfied with the improvement of our situation since last year. It was stated that a check had been received in Italy, but it was not remembered, that at the period alluded to, the Republicans had not penetrated into Italy. It was likewise said, that the army upon the Rhine had been forced to retire. The army of the Rhine, however, had not last year crossed the Rhine, and now they were only prevented from advancing to the Danube, and obliged to limit their progress to the German side of the Rhine. We were now at war with Holland, which might likewise be thought by ministers to contribute to the improvement of our situation. The king of Prussia, after having cheated this nation, had been vindicated by the noble lord, on the plea, that he was justified by necessity. Spain, too, had now forsaken the confederacy, and increased the "satisfaction" of the minister. In the West Indies we had at one time three islands, which were now reduced to two. From the scarcity with which we were threatened formerly, there was now an acknowledged famine. He was astonished how such words could be inserted in the Speech, and pronounced by his majesty with a smile of conscious triumph, at the very moment when he was carried through the midst of his starving, dejected, and even beset with his irritated, clamorous subjects. The prospect of peace, he said, was now more distant than ever. In the speech of the session before last, it was said "that a continuation of our efforts, was necessary to bring the object of the war to a successful termination," and at the conclusion of last session hopes were rais-public, while the allies only struck at the ed of such a state of order and regular government as might be capable of maintaining the relations of amity and peace. Now it is said, that next year will produce events of which it is impossible to foresee the consequences, like the predictions of the almanack-maker, who announces events of which all Europe will be the witness. Jealousies were commonly entertained of the introduction of Hanoverian troops into this country, but he declared he should have no objection to import the whole Hanoverian council, and instal them in the office of his majesty's present ministers. They might advise

extremity he would have fastened on the core, they only nibbled at the rind; instead of assailing the capital, they only braved the dangers of Noirmoutier and Poitou. These disastrous expeditions where the wretched emigrants were left to the vengeance of their incensed countrymen, however, seemed to awaken no sentiments of English pride or resentment. It was not, indeed, British blood which had flowed, but it was British honour which had bled at every pore, and the murderous enterprises must one day, "sit heavy on the souls" of the authors of them. -We were, however, determined to save

the islands, and a desperate effort was to be made; for his part, he had not the heart to survey the gloom in which affairs were involved. In Martinique there was only one regiment of effective men. He entertained great doubts of the policy of enlarging our West India possessions, which could only serve to drain what we could least spare-men, 15,000 troops had been landed in St. Domingo, from whence 1,500 were sent to Grenada, of whom, in four months, 14 officers and 400 men were lost. They were stuffed into hospitals in the most deplorable situation, and by the most unaccountable negligence were deprived of the aid both of medicine and surgeons. From the most culpable inattention to the providing of necessary transports, 90 instead of 40, were put on board each ship, without the possibility of accommodation. The death of the many who perished in this shocking manner ought justly to be imputed to the conduct of administration. He considered the minister of Charles 2d, when that weak monarch was the pensioner of France, not more guilty of treason than the minister who should expend the treasure of this country in replacing upon the throne of France the family of the Bourbons, the natural enemies of Britain. We, on our side of the House, have told you before, to do as the king of Prussia had done; find out what government the French armies obey, under whose command and control they beat the world, and negociate with them; we have told you to do as Spain had done; we now tell you to do as the elector of Hanover has done.-Mr. S. adverted to the declaration of Louis 18th. He had suspicions, that it was in the heart of ministers to act up to the spirit of that declaration, and to establish, if possible, the old unqualified system of despotism in France. Against such an object he must make his stand, as far as it might go. To the support or increase of the naval force for the defence of Great Britain and her commerce, he would give his hearty support, but to establish the purpose of Louis 18th he would not give a shilling of his constituents money, if it were true as it was suspected, that the heads of that proclamation were penned in this country, with the concurrence and under the direction of ministers. Why were the race of Stuarts expelled but because they entered into a league with France? And could any league be more destructive to this country than one with [VOL. XXXII.]

the house of Bourbon, who had been the uniform and inveterate enemies of Great Britain? No association with the Republic, could be so destructive to our interests; for never were there worse neighbours on earth than the French during the monarchy. The rash and fruitless attempts to restore that family, ought therefore to be totally relinquished, and government should declare itself willing to treat with the French republic.

Mr. Jenkinson could not but consider the present moment as extremely improper for negociation. An anxiety for immediate negociation would only serve to retard peace, and raise the demands of our enemies. He justified his former declaration respecting a direct march of the allied army to Paris, declaring that the overthrow of the French government was not so chimerical as the hon. gentleman inferred. General Dumourier, whose character as a military man gave weight to his opinion, had declared himself convinced of the practicability of the scheme, and its defeat was in a great measure occasioned by the want of fidelity and of exertion upon the part of the allies. He contended, however, that considerable success had been gained. The situation of the people of France at the end of 1793 was different from that of the present period. In 1793 they were furious in their profession of the doctrines of equality, and zealous in their propagation. They had now abated much of their vehemence. The plan of their new constitution seemed more agreeable to reason, experience, and policy. Should this plan be reduced to practice, the objection to the fluctuating nature of the government, would be removed. That we had succeeded in repelling the danger with which we were threatened, was undeniable. From the important successes which marked the commencement of the war, various royalist insurrections had taken place. From these one of three alternatives was to have been expected, either, that the enemy would have been unable to oppose the allies, that a counter-revolution would have been effected, or that a civil war would have burst forth. Unfortunately for France, for Europe, and for humanity, the system of terror and of Robespierre, built upon the Rights of Man, was introduced. That the war was not the cause of that system gaining ground, was undeniable. It was clear that it owed its credit to its fascinating influence over the minds of the people. "By [M]

hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) had said on the surprise which the first insulting pa

degrees they felt its miseries. In the dawn of returning reason, they submitted to the power which freed them from the oppres-ragraph of his majesty's speech must sion under which they had groaned, and which, in its turn, he had no doubt they would remove. The war, he said, tended to abridge the duration of that system, and the miseries it produced in France. The determination of France to retain Holland was, he said, an insuperable obstacle to an immediate peace. No man would deny, that it was an object of infinite importance to prevent France from gaining so large anextent of coast as the superiority of Holland and the Netherlands afforded. Possessing the whole coast from Bayonne to the Weser, she might in peace usurp our commerce, and in war distress us by her cruizers, and be enabled by the increase of her naval strength to oppose not only strength to strength, but strength to our weakness. It would be highly unwise to enter upon immediate negociation, when a few months might place us in a situation to treat with greater advantage. In the beginning of this war, he acknowledged that the restoration of the emigrants, and of the monarchy of France were objects that he equally wished and expected, considering them as objects of infinite importance to the country. Were it possible still to restore them, he should consider it as a fair object of war. Though he was one who once thought that object attainable, he now saw no probability of its final success.

General Tarleton observed, that the prospect of affairs was, indeed most gloomy. The numerous army, with which the French had lately obliged the king of Spain to come into their own terms, would now be employed in the invasion of Italy, while our efforts against the French possessions in the West Indies, would probably be frustrated, as they had been on the coast of France, through misconduct on our side, and the difficulty of the very attempt itself. It was vain to repeat exertions that had been so successively foiled. Ministers were no longer deserving of confidence; their evident incapacity required their immediate dismission, and the trial of new men, as well as of new measures.

Mr. Fox said, that after hearing his majesty's speech, and after hearing the arguments which had been advanced for the address, he should not feel that he did his duty, if he were to give a silent vote. He had little to add to what his

excite in the bosom of every man; and which, in the old times of spirit and energy that distinguished the people of this country, would have drawn upon the ministers who were the authors of it, indignation and punishment. He said, insulting paragraph, for it was not enough it seemed, that they should with impunity persist for three years together in the prosecution of a war for miserable speculations-it was not enough, to add one hundred millions of debt to the capital, to load the people with five millions per annum of permanent taxes-it was not enough to grind the poor and unhappy people of this country in such a manner as to make almost every man of them feel the misfortune of scarcity and want, but they must also be insulted, by putting into his majesty's mouth, in the very first paragraph of his speech the impudent falsehood, that their situation was " materially improved!" How was their situation improved? In what circumstances were the affairs of this country bettered since the last year? Were they improved from the recent success of the Austrian army? This success, whatever it might be, and of which he believed ministers had not themselves any very perfect account, was not an improvement in comparison with the last year, but the last week; and surely it could not be called an improvement of our situation, since last year the French were not in possession of a foot of territory beyond the Rhine. That they might now be forced to retreat was possible, and perhaps it was possible, that in comparison with the disasters which were expected from the continuance of their successful career, this retreat might be construed into an improvement; but that it should come from his majesty's ministers, who had prevailed on parliament to guarantee to Austria a loan of four millions and a half, which was to procure positive conquests on the part of Austria, was somewhat curious. They had told parliament that, from the various points of contact between the Austrian dominions and France, the Emperor was capable of seriously wounding her, if assisted by this country; and upon these representations, the House was prevailed upon to become the guarantee of this enormous loan. Now, what was the issue of these repre

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