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You have said in one of your answers, that you thought it was a bullet from an instrument; you have now said, it was a stone ;reconcile these answers.-I certainly in the first instance, thought it was a bullet, or some other hard substance, from the velocity with which it came. Mr. Stockdale said he thought it was a halfpenny, or something of that kind. I said I really could not tell what it was, but that it must be something rounder and harder to occasion that blow.

Then Mr. James Parker, of Pimlico, one of his majesty's footmen, was called in; and, being sworn, was examined as follows:

You attended his majesty to-day from his palace to the House of Lords?—Yes.

Where was your place ?-At the coach door, on the right-hand."

Relate what you saw there.-We were coming down by the Ordnance office, and about two doors from there, there was a kind of a ball, or a marble, or something of that kind, that whisked by my face; it appeared to come with great velocity, right straight for wards. I immediately said to one of the yeomen, "I think that came from a gun, a wind gun, for I heard no report." I immediately Tooked round, could see nothing; I looked at the glass of the carriage, and saw a little hole, I looked round, to see if I could see where the ball or substance, or whatever it was, came from, and I perceived a window open-there was nobody at it, which gave me reason to think it came from that direction.-I said to

the yeoman, "I thought it was very strange where that could come from," or something to that effect. I don't know any thing more. Can you point out the house?-It has green outside windows.

Was that the only empty window ?—I did not observe any other.

Was it a window in a first floor, or where? -A parlour window.

What part of the glass was hit?-Rather lower than the middle; it was no great way from my head I had hold of the handle of the door.

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Do you recollect the place where it happened:-Yes.

Do you know the house opposite to where it happened? Yes.

Which house is it ;-To the best of my knowledge, it is the house next the Abbey. Whose house is it?-I do not know.

Did you accompany the carriage going and coming?-Yes.

Then you saw what sort of people they were -did you take notice of those who were

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Attack on his Majesty.

guilty of the riots and insults going and coming?-Yes.

Did they appear the same, or a different set of men? There were different men at different places, but some followed all the way.

What was the number, as far as you can state, that you think followed all the way ?There might be thirty or forty of each side the carriage.

Did those thirty or forty appear to know one another?—I cannot say that.

What was the nature of the insult they offered, in language, or how ?-They were swearing and hissing.

What language?-They hallooed out, "Peace! Peace!"

Any thing farther?—I heard nothing farther.

You did not hear them say, no George !"-No.

Did you mean thirty or forty on each side the carriage, or only thirty or forty on both sides the carriage?—On each.

Then you mean eighty?-If I was to say hundred on each side, I should not exceed.

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Do you mean these hundred came and returned?-No; they might for what I know.

Did you see the man that Walford took into custody?—I saw a man that was taken into custody, but do not know it was the same he took into custody.

Was the person you saw in custody one of thirty or forty that were turbulent ?-I saw him, amongst a number of other were hissing, when the constable laid hold

of him.

Did they appear to be the same party on its coming and returning?-Yes, they did.

In what manner did they behave ?-Some huzzaing, some hissing, and some calling for peace.

Any thing on the return?-On returning, I heard several somethings come against the

state coach.

"Peace! and walnut.

What things ?—I do not know. I did see one stone, and that about as big as a large

He was seized in the Park?—Yes. Do you recollect seeing him before, in Margaret-street or Palace yard?-No.

But you had seen him before, among the crowd-Yes.

Where had you seen him?--I saw one of the horse soldiers put him aside, just before the constable laid hold of him.

In the Park?-Yes. Then you had not seen him before?-No. Be quite clear as to the number of persons who followed the coach the whole way going and coming whether thirty or forty on each side or more?—I should suppose there might be more than that going and coming.

Did you go with the coach till it got back to the palace-Yes.

Was there a glass broke then?-Entering the Stable-yard, I heard something come against the glass.

The witness was directed to withdraw.

Then Christopher Kennedy, Bow-street of ficer, was called in; and being sworn was examined as follows:

The examinations being closed, lord Grenville moved the following Address to his Majesty,

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

"

"We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in parliament assembled, beg leave to approach your Majesty, humbly to express to your Majesty our indignation and abhorrence at the daring outrages offered to your Majesty's passage to and from your parliaWe cannot reflect without the ment. utmost concern, that there should be found within your Majesty's dominions, any persons so insensible of the happiness which all your Majesty's subjects derive from your Majesty's just and mild government, and of the virtues which so eminently distinguish your Majesty's character, as to be capable of these flagitious acts. And we beg leave humbly to lay before your Majesty the earnest wishes faithful Lords, in of your which we are confident we shall be joined by all descriptions of your Majesty's subjects, that you will be graciously pleased to direct the most effectual measures to be taken, without delay, to discover the authors and abettors of crimes so atrocious."

Were you in attendance to day?—Yes.
Were you near the carriage of his majesty?

-Yes.

Did you see any thing pass in Margaretstreet, or Palace-yard?—I heard something come against the glass of the door of the state coach-I looked up, and saw a hole in the glass, and the glass starred.

What sort of a hole ?-A small hole.
What do you suppose it was made with ?-
I do not know what it was made with; I do not

think it could be a stone.

+

A slight conversation took place on this proposition, in the course of which, the Marquis of Lansdown animadverted with severity upon the conduct of ministers, whom he discredited and reprobated upon this occasion. He said he believed,

that it was no more than the counter-part of their own plot; the alarm-bell, to terrify the people into weak compliances. He thought it was a scheme planned and executed by ministers themselves, for the purpose of continuing their power, a power which drew the constitution into their own hands, and which he would not consider as safely lodged while in their possession.

The Address was agreed to, and communicated to the Commons at a conference.

Debate in the Commons on the Address

of Thanks.] Oct. 29. His Majesty's Speech having been read from the Chair,

The Earl of Dalkeith said, that with the indulgence of the House he would state his reasons for moving an Address in answer to his Majesty's Speech from the throne. He could not but consider his majesty well warranted in feeling the satisfaction he expressed at the improved aspect of affairs. He desired the House calmly to weigh the occurrences of the war. On the continent, the French had certainly gained considerable advantages, but they were pretty equally balanced by their losses in other quarters. In the East Indies our successes had been unin. terrupted. In the West Indies, indeed, our prosperity had neither been so encouraging, though, upon the whole, he considered affairs in that quarter as abundantly favourable. It was natural to expect, from the unparalleled extent of our commerce, that it would be exposed to occasional losses. Yet, compared with the trade we had to protect, the loss was trivial. The commerce of the enemy was annihilated. The present powerful armament destined to the West Indies, and the high reputation and talents of the leaders, to whom the enterprise was confided, afforded reason to expect the most brilliant advantages. The present was a contest in which every thing was to be effected by exertion. Nothing was to be hoped in the view of a peace, from the influence of reason, policy, or humanity, upon the conduct of the enemy, who looked only to the events of war. It was necessary to impress them with a conviction of their inability to accomplish the criminal projects they had formed; and he was confident that a disgraceful peace would be more mortifying to Englishmen, than all the evils they could suffer from the most disastrous war. The present

moment was most improper for negociation. He was not sure that the new plan of government met with the approbation of the French people. The decree for the re-election of two-thirds was gene rally known to be extremely obnoxious, and as it had been necessary to employ the army devoted to the Convention, to enforce its execution, the whole appeared to him no other than a military government. It was even still doubtful to which party the victory would fall. The anarchy in which France had been involved was still the same. In short nothing seemed to indicate a return of a stable

and permanent government. He concluded with moving an Address to his majesty, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech.

The Hon. Robert Stewart * rose to second the Address. He began with declaring, that he would not trespass upon that indulgence with which young speakers were commonly favoured. After several handsome compliments to lord Dalkeith on the able manner in which he had moved the address, he first took a view of the leading features of the war, and the original grounds of justice and necessity upon which it had been undertaken. Much of his argument was aimed at illustrating the idea first expressed in his majesty's speech, namely, that since the last year the situation of public affairs was materially improved. In examining the state of France it was clear, he said, that her finances and her energy were nearly exhausted. She had derived the extraordinary vigour which she had displayed from the operation of the system of terror. Her expenses were enormous, and could not long be supported. Her means of raising supplies were to the disbursements exactly in the ratio of seventy to one. This was proved by the speeches and reports made from their committees to the Convention. So great was the discredit of their paper currency, that the Convention had decreed the recall of the assignats, while, from their total want of all commerce and manufactures, it was impossible that specie could be procured. The system by which Robespierre attained power, and by which he governed, was founded upon cruelty and terror. The present measures he considered as guided pretty nearly by the

*The present Viscount Castlereagh, [▲. D. 1817.]

same principles, and possessing much of the same character. The severities which prevailed under the former were exercised under the present rulers. He adduced the instance of Barrère and his associates, and the practice of condemning men by military, instead of revolutionary, tribunals; both of which were equally repugnant to a government that affected to ground itself on the principles of freedom, equality, and justice.-He confessed that the last campaign had not been distinguished by brilliant success. Our exertions, however, had been usefully employed. The war had forced the enemy to adopt unjustifiable means for the support of an unjustifiable system. Yet this system necessarily tended to exhaust itself, and to weaken them by the victories it enabled them to obtain. Their incapacity to injure was our best guarantee, and to this point by our exertions we had reduced, and were still contributing to reduce them.-Distressing, as it was, to see the necessity of additional burthens, it was a consolation to perceive our resources unimpaired. No where were the people deprived, of the comforts of life by the effects of the war-no where were they vexed or oppressed. Monied men were readily found to lend upon favourable terms, the sums necessary for the expenses of government. The next budget would, he hoped, show that there were still many good objects of taxation, while those of last year could not be called burthensome to the people, and it afforded a consolatory reflection, that the taxes we already felt, and the national debt, great as it was, were in a state of liquidation. This favourable view of our situation he believed the opposite side of the House, disposed as they were to dwell upon our disasters, would not venture to contradict. The defection of some of our allies from the general cause he lamented; but if we regarded their conduct as treacherous and disgraceful, it would ill become us to select it for imitation. There was, however, some argument to be urged in their justification. They had made peace not merely compelled to it by disasters, but when the principles of the French government were changed, when her system of conquest and of intermeddling in the affairs of foreign states was abandoned. Close to the frontier of the enemy on one side, and having a suspicious friend on the other, their existence, which was paramount to

all treaties, was endangered. Such was the situation of the Hanoverian dominions, and he hoped that no serious argument would be raised by the opposite side of the House, on the conduct of the elector of Hanover. Such a theme might be a proper subject for a schoolboy's exercise, or for a declamation at Copenhagen-house, but it was unworthy a real statesman. The different situation of Hanover and of this country, pointed out the different politics we had to pursue. Fortune, and not the arms of France, had conquered Holland. The slowness with which the new principles operated, was a proof of the dislike in which they were held by many, and of the short possession they would probably maintain of that country.-To our navy much attention had obviously been paid, and to the diversion made upon the continent, the power of our employing it to the best advantage was chiefly ascribeable. Never, in fact, had the arms of Britain been more fortunate by sea. In every important station--the Mediterranean, the East and West Indies, we were masters. The present armament to the latter would, in all probability, secure us so large a share in the colonies as would compensate, in a great measure, for the enormous acquisition of territory by the French armies.-He approved of the principle of the war, and reposed the most unlimited confidence in the chancellor of the exchequer, that he would embrace the earliest opportunity of making peace. Had the right hon. gentleman pledged himself to negociate with any particular form of government in France, when pressed by the opposite side of the House, he should have considered him as unworthy of his confidence. He believed him to be actuated by no interested motives, and he trusted that he would be guided by no precipitate views. Anxiety and eagerness for peace would not, he hoped, allow our efforts to be broken, and he confidently expected that the period would arrive, when we might look back to the exertions we had made, as having been employed not less in preserving the safety of our country, than in contributing to the general security of Europe,

Mr. Sheridan said, he was indeed surprised to find that the fifth word of the speech was the word "satisfaction." As the speech, not of the king, but of the minister, he would exercise his constitutional right as a member of parliament,

and examine it freely.
with every thing had been esteemed a
mark of piety and christian resignation.
In this view, the present ministers were
the most pious men in the world. They
were satisfied with the improvement of our
situation since last year. It was stated that
a check had been received in Italy, but it
was not remembered, that at the period
alluded to, the Republicans had not pene-
trated into Italy. It was likewise said,
that the army upon the Rhine had been
forced to retire. The army of the Rhine,
however, had not last year crossed the
Rhine, and now they were only prevented
from advancing to the Danube, and
obliged to limit their progress to the Ger-
man side of the Rhine. We were now at
war with Holland, which might likewise
be thought by ministers to contribute to
the improvement of our situation. The
king of Prussia, after having cheated this
nation, had been vindicated by the noble
lord, on the plea, that he was justified
by necessity. Spain, too, had now for-
saken the confederacy, and increased the
"satisfaction" of the minister. In the
West Indies we had at one time three
islands, which were now reduced to two.
From the scarcity with which we were
threatened formerly, there was now an
acknowledged famine. He was astonished
how such words could be inserted in the
Speech, and pronounced by his majesty
with a smile of conscious triumph, at the
very moment when he was carried through
the midst of his starving, dejected, and
even beset with his irritated, clamorous
subjects. The prospect of peace, he said,
was now more distant than ever. In the
speech of the session before last, it was
said "that a continuation of our efforts, was
necessary to bring the object of the war
to a successful termination," and at the
conclusion of last session hopes were rais-
ed of such a state of order and regular go-
vernment as might be capable of main-
taining the relations of amity and peace.
Now it is said, that next year will produce
events of which it is impossible to foresee
the consequences, like the predictions of
the almanack-maker, who announces
events of which all Europe will be the
witness. Jealousies were commonly en-
tertained of the introduction of Hanove-
rian troops into this country, but he de-
clared he should have no objection to im-
port the whole Hanoverian council, and
instal them in the office of his majesty's

To be satisfied | him to adopt measures which no arguments or events can recommend to those who now regulate his councils. That virtuous lady, the empress of Russia, it was likewise said, had sent her fleet to the North Seas, but it was to eat English meat and to learn English discipline, not to afford a cordial co-operation in any professed object of the war. It had been said, that general discontent would produce some change in the situation of the affairs of France. If sufferings and calamity contributed to produce any practical improvement in the constitution of a country, he wished the principle to be applied to ourselves. And if a state of misery, and famine, and discontent were the guides to a better order of things, the people of England were in the high road of its attainment.-The armament of the West Indies appeared to him to infer the utmost criminality in ministers. The fleet ought to have sailed six weeks ago, instead of which it could not set sail for at least a fortnight. It had been remarked by the hon. gentleman, that the ministers acted upon no principles, and that for this reason they merited his confidence. It must be confessed indeed, that they discovered no fixed principles in the conduct of their plans, or in the choice of the objects of their exertions. The secretary of state for the war department had boasted that the expedition to the West Indies was a favourite with him. This right hon. gentleman was no knight-errant, he was one of those who wished to obtain some valuable acquisition, and had no objection to lay hold of an island to swell the number of our colonies. A young man (Mr. Jen. kinson), more sanguine in the cause of the emigrants and of monarchy, had proposed to march instantly to Paris; he wished to strike at the heart of the Republic, while the allies only struck at the extremity he would have fastened on the core, they only nibbled at the rind; instead of assailing the capital, they only braved the dangers of Noirmoutier and Poitou. These disastrous expeditions where the wretched emigrants were left to the vengeance of their incensed countrymen, however, seemed to awaken no sentiments of English pride or resentment. It was not, indeed, British blood which had flowed, but it was British honour which had bled at every pore, and the murderous enterprises must one day, "sit heavy on the souls" of the authors of them. present ministers. They might advise-We were, however, determined to save

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