made to practices antecedent to the revolution, by a confederacy of whigs, to a Prince of the House of Brunswick!-Nor was there any greater analogy between the periods to which they alluded, (though they wisely forbore to specify any particular time) when the advice of the House had been preferred by the crown to the opinions of the cabinet, and the present occasion; because, in no instance recorded in history, did the House of Commons ever call upon the King to dismiss his ministers, without alleging against them some act of gross misconduct, or some proof of personal incapacity. How ancient usage, therefore, could be said to warrant the demand of dismission, without the exhibition of a single charge, it is not very easy to conceive. By the terms in which they spoke of the neglect with which their advice had been treated, and by their allusion to the ancient practice of refusing the supplies, (most exercised by the regicides, in the reign of our first Charles) it is evident that they wished to give to their advice the effect of a command, notwithstanding the humility of their language, and the loyalty of their professions; and, indeed, if the King were reduced to the necessity of dismissing ministers, who enjoyed his confidence, on the mere application of a majority of the House of Commons, or else, were to be deprived

of the means of supporting his government, and of providing for the necessities of the state, his prerogative of chusing his own servants would be a mere nullity, and the nomination of ministers would, in fact, be transferred to the House of Commons. They first render the ministers inefficient, by an act of their own, in a systematic opposition even to measures about which no difference of opinion could exist, (such as the mutiny bill) and then make that inefficiency a ground of complaint. And, lastly, they represent their continuance in office as dangerous to the liberties of the people, while they exert every effort to prevent the King from making an appeal to his people, and, by that means, to collect their sentiments, in a constitutional way, respecting the exercise of his prerogative, and the merits of his servants. It was not, then, a matter for surprize, that a remonstrance of such a description should alarm some of those who had hitherto given their support to opposition. On a division, it was carried only by one vote,-one hundred and ninety-one having voted for it, and one hundred and ninety against it.

It was natural that this division should discourage the party from any farther exertions for the recovery of their lost power. The mutiny bill was passed, without opposition, on

the tenth of March. As a speedy dissolution was expected, the minister was goaded in every possible way, with a view to extort from him a disclosure of his intentions.But sarcasm, taunts, raillery, and invective, every species of weapon, and every mode of attack, were employed in vain. Having fully and repeatedly explained his sentiments on every point at issue, he resolutely abstained from all needless discussion, and preserved an inflexible silence. All the supplies having been regularly voted, and no measure of indispensible necessity remaining to be carried, the King, on the twenty-fourth of March, prorogued his Parliament. In his speech from the Throne, on this occasion, his Majesty declared, that he felt it to be a duty which he owed to the constitution, and to the country, to recur, as speedily as possible, to the sense of his people, by calling a new Parliament. He expressed his confidence in the tendency of such a measure to obviate the mischiefs arising from the unhappy divisions and distractions which had lately subsisted, and trusted that the various important objects which required consideration would be afterwards proceeded upon with less interruption, and with happier effect. He could have no other object, but to preserve the true princi

ples of our free and happy constitution, and to employ the powers entrusted to him by law, for the only end for which they were given-to the good of his people.-On the evening of the next day, March twenty-fifth, the Parliament was dissolved by proclamation.

CHAP. IV.

General Reflections on Mr. Pitt's Conduct-Views and proceedings of the Whig Party-Mr. Pitt placed in a very peculiar situation-Memorable remark of Lord Chatham respecting his brother-Mr. Fox's doubts of the sincerity of Mr. Pitt's wishes for a coalition of parties removed by Mr. Dundas-The dissolution of Parliament not necessarily an appeal to the people-Meeting of the New Parliament -A great majority in favour of the ministry-Extraordinary remonstrance against the late dissolution, read in the House of Commons by Mr. Burke-Reflections on the same-Means for preventing frauds on the Revenue-The Commutation act-Preliminary measures for the relief of the East India Company-Bill for the regulation of the Government of India-Debates thereon-Provisions for the trial and punishment of Asiatic delinquents disapproved -Mr. Pitt's just views of chartered rights-Objections to the whole plan by the opposition-Mr. Fox's sentiments on the subject-Different conduct of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox respecting Indian affairs-Investigation of public accounts-Mr. Pitt adopts a new mode of disposing of the Loan-Beneficial effects thereof-Supplies-Ways and Means-Mr. Dundas's bill for the restoration of the forfeited estates in Scotland-Arguments in support of itReflections on the measure-Passes the House of Commons- -Is opposed by Lord Thurlow-Ground of his opposition not tenable-Receives the Royal AssentSession closes.

[1784.] The arduous struggle which Mr. Pitt had so long sustained, in his ministerial