render no longer speculative the ability of representatives from that remote region to come up to the capitol, so that their constituents shall participate in all the benefits of federal legislation. Thus it is that, irr the progress of time, the inestimable principles of civil liberty will be enjoyed by millions yet unborn, and the great benefits of our system of government be extended to now distant and uninhabited regions. In view of the vast wilderness yet to be reclaimed, we may well invite the lover of freedom of every land to take up his abode among us, and assist us in the great work of advancing the standard of civilization, and giving a wider spread to the arts and refinements of cultivated life. Our prayers should evermore be offered up to the Father of the Universe for his wisdom to direct us in the path of our duty, so as to enable us to consummate these high purposes.

One of the strongest objections which have been urged against confederacies, by writers on government, is the liability of the members to be tampered with by foreign governments, or the people of foreign states, either in their local affairs, or in such as affected the peace of others, or endangered the safety of the whole confederacy. We cannot hope to be entirely exempt from such attempts on our peace and safety. The United States are becoming too important in population and resources not to attract the observation of other nations. It therefore may, in the progress of time, occur, that opinions entirely abstract in the States in which they may prevail, and in no degree affecting their domestic institutions, may be artfully, but secretly encouraged, with a view to undermine the Union. Such opinions may become the foundation of political parties, until, at last, the conflict of opinion, producing an alienation of friendly feeling among the people of the different States, may involve in one general destruction the happy institutions under which we live. It should ever be borne in mind, that what is true in regard to individuals, is equally so in regard to states. An interference of one in the affairs of another, is the fruitful source of family dissensions and neighborhood disputes; and the same cause affects the peace, happiness, and prosperity of states. It may be most devoutly hoped that the good sense of the American people will ever be ready to repel all such attempts, should they ever be made. There has been no material change in our foreign relations since my last annual message to Congress. With all the powers of Europe we continue on the most friendly terms. Indeed, it affords me much satisfaction to state, that at no former period has the peace of that enlightened and important quarter of the globe ever been, apparently, more firmly established. The conviction that peace is the true policy of nations, would seem to be growing and becoming deeper amongst the enlightened everywhere; and there is no people who have a stronger interest in cherishing the sentiment, and adopting the means of preserving and giving it permanence, than those of the United States. Amongst these, the first and most effective are, no doubt, the strict observance of justice, and the honest and punctual fulfilment of all engagements. But it is not to be forgotten that, in the present state of the world, it is no less necessary to be ready to enforce their observance and fulfilment in reference to ourselves, than to observe and fulfil them, on our part, in regard to others. Since the close of your last session, a negotiation has been formally entered upon between the Secretary of State and her Britannic Majesty's minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary residing at Washington,

relative to the rights of their respective nations in and over the Oregon territory. That negotiation is still pending. Should it, during your ses sion, be brought to a definitive conclusion, the result will be promptly communicated to Congress. I would, however, again call your attention to the recommendations contained in previous messages, designed to protect and facilitate emigration to that territory. The establishment of military posts, at suitable points upon the extended line of land travel, would enable our citizens to emigrate in comparative safety to the fertile regions below the falls of the Columbia, and make the provision of the existing convention for the joint occupation of the territory by the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States more available than heretofore to the latter. These posts would constitute places of rest for the weary emigrant, where he would be sheltered securely against the danger of attack from the Indians, and be enabled to recover from the exhaustion of a long line of travel. Legislative enactments should also be made, which should spread over him the ægis of our laws, so as to afford protection to his person and property when he shall have reached his distant home. In this latter respect, the British government has been much more careful of the interests of such of her people as are to be found in that country, than have the United States. She has made necessary provision for their security and protection against the acts of the viciously disposed and lawless, and her emigrant reposes in safety under the panoply of her laws. Whatever may be the result of the pending negotiation, such measures are necessary. It will afford me the greatest pleasure to witness a happy and favorable termination to the existing negotiation upon terms compatible with the public honor; and the best efforts of the government will continue to be directed to this end.

It would have given me the highest gratification, in this, my last annual communication to Congress, to have been able to announce to you the complete and entire settlement and adjustment of other matters in difference between the United States and the government of her Britannic Majesty, which were adverted to in a previous message. It is so obviously the interest of both countries, in respect to the large and valuable commerce which exists between them, that all causes of complaint, however inconsiderable, should be with the greatest promptitude removed, that it must be regarded as cause of regret that any unnecessary delays should be permitted to intervene. It is true that, in a pecuniary point of view, the matters alluded to are altogether insignificant in amount, when compared with the ample resources of that great nation; but they nevertheless-more particularly that limited class which arise under seizures and detentions of American ships on the coast of Africa, upon the mistaken supposition indulged in at the time the wrong was committed, of their being engaged in the slave-trade-deeply affect the sensibilities of this government and people. Great Britain having recognised her responsibility to repair all such wrongs, by her action in other cases, leaves nothing to be regretted upon the subject, as to all cases arising prior to the treaty of Washington, than the delay in making suitable reparation in such of them as fall plainly within the principle of others, which she has long since adjusted. The injury inflicted by delays in the settlement of these claims falls with severity upon the individual claimants, and makes a strong appeal to her magnanimity and sense of justice for a speedy settlement. Other matters, arising out of the con

struction of existing treaties, also remain unadjusted, and will continue to be urged upon her attention.

The labors of the joint commission appointed by the two governments to run the dividing-line established by the treaty of Washington, were, unfortunately, much delayed in the commencement of the season, by the failure of Congress, at its last session, to make a timely appropriation of funds to meet the expenses of the American party, and by other causes. The United States commissioner, however, expresses his expectation that, by increased diligence and energy, the party will be able to make up for lost time.

We continue to receive assurances of the most friendly feelings on the part of all the other European powers; with each, and all of whom, it is so obviously our interest to cultivate the most amicable relations. Nor can I anticipate the occurrence of any event which would be likely, in any degree, to disturb those relations. Russia, the great northern power, under the judicious sway of her emperor, is constantly advancing in the road of science and improvement; while France, guided by the counsels of her wise sovereign, pursues a course calculated to consolidate the general peace. Spain has obtained a breathing spell of some duration from the internal convulsions which have, through so many years, marred her prosperity; while Austria, the Netherlands, Prussia, Belgium, and the other powers of Europe, reap a rich harvest of blessings from the prevailing peace.

I informed the two houses of Congress, in my message of December last, that instructions had been given to Mr. Wheaton, our minister at Berlin, to negotiate a treaty with the Germanic States composing the ZollVerein, if it could be done-stipulating, as far as it was practicable to accomplish it, for a reduction of the heavy and onerous duties levied on our tobacco, and other leading articles of agricultural production; and yielding, in return, on our part, a reduction of duties on such articles, the product of their industry, as should not come into competition, or but a limited one, with articles the product of our manufacturing industry. The Executive, in giving such instructions, considered itself as acting in strict conformity with the wishes of Congress, as made known through several measures which it had adopted; all directed to the accomplishment of this important result. The treaty was, therefore, negotiated; by which essential reductions were secured in the duties levied by the ZollVerein on tobacco, rice, and lard, accompanied by a stipulation for the admission of raw cotton free of duty. In exchange for which highly important concessions, a reduction of duties, imposed by the laws of the United States on a variety of articles, most of which were admitted free of all duty under the act of Congress commonly known as the compromise law, and but few of which were produced in the United States, was stipulated for on our part. This treaty was communicated to the Senate at an early day of its last session, but not acted upon until near its close; when, for the want (as I am bound to presume) of full time to consider it, it was laid upon the table. This procedure had the effect of virtually rejecting it, in consequence of a stipulation contained in the treaty, that its ratifications should be exchanged on or before a day which has already passed. The Executive, acting upon the fair inference that the Senate did not intend its absolute rejection, gave instructions to our minister at Berlin to reopen the negotiation, so far as to obtain an extension of time

for the exchange of ratifications. I regret, however, to say that his efforts in this respect have been unsuccessful. I am nevertheless not without hope that the great advantages which were intended to be secured by the treaty may yet be realized.

I am happy to inform you that Belgium has, by an "arrêté royale," issued in July last, assimilated the flag of the United States to her own, so far as the direct trade between the two countries is concerned. This measure will prove of great service to our shipping interest, the trade having heretofore been carried on chiefly in foreign bottoms. I flatter myself that she will speedily resort to a modification of her system relating to the tobacco trade, which would decidedly benefit the agriculture of the United States, and operate to the mutual advantage of both countries.

No definitive intelligence has yet been received from our minister, of the conclusion of a treaty with the Chinese empire; but enough is known to induce the strongest hopes that the mission will be crowned with success.

With Brazil our relations continue on the most friendly footing. The commercial intercourse between that growing empire and the United States is becoming daily of greater importance to both; and it is to the interest of both that the firmest relations of amity and goodwill should continue to be cultivated between them.

The republic of New Grenada still withholds (notwithstanding the most persevering efforts have been employed by our chargé d'affaires, Mr. Blackford, to produce a different result) indemnity in the case of the brig "Morris." And the Congress of Venezuela, although an arrangement has been effected between our minister and the minister of foreign affairs of that government, for the payment of $18,000 in discharge of its liabilities in the same case, has altogether neglected to make provision for its payment. It is to be hoped that a sense of justice will soon induce a settlement of these claims.

Our late minister to Chili, Mr. Pendleton, has returned to the United States, without having effected an adjustment in the second claim of the Macedonian, which is delayed on grounds altogether frivolous and untenable. Mr. Pendleton's successor has been directed to urge the claim in the strongest terms; and, in the event of a failure to obtain a prompt adjustment, to report the fact to the Executive at as early a day as possible, so that the whole matter may be communicated to Congress.

At your last session, I submitted to the attention of Congress the convention with the republic of Peru, of the 17th of March, 1841, providing for the adjustment of the claims of citizens of the United States against that republic; but no definitive action was taken upon the subject. I again invite to it your attention and prompt action.

In my last annual message, I felt it to be my duty to make known to Congress, in terms both plain and emphatic, my opinion in regard to the war which has so long existed between Mexico and Texas; which, since the battle of San Jacinto, has consisted altogether of predatory incursions, attended by circumstances revolting to humanity. I repeat now, what I then said, that after eight years of feeble and ineffectual efforts to reconquer Texas, it was time that the war should have ceased. The United States had a direct interest in the question. The contiguity of the two nations to our territory was but too well calculated to involve our peace. Unjust suspicions were engendered in the mind of one or the other of the belli

gerents against us; and, as a necessary consequence, American interests were made to suffer, and our peace became daily endangered. In addition to which, it must have been obvious to all that the exhaustion produced by the war subjected both Mexico and Texas to the interference of other powers; which, without the interposition of this government, might eventuate in the most serious injury to the United States. This government, from time to time, exerted its friendly offices to bring about a termination of hostilities upon terms honorable alike to both the belligerents. Its efforts in this behalf proved unavailing. Mexico seemed, almost without an object, to persevere in the war; and no other alternative was left the Executive but to take advantage of the well-known dispositions of Texas, and to invite her to enter into a treaty for annexing her territory to that of the United States.

Since your last session Mexico has threatened to renew the war, and has either made, or proposes to make, formidable preparations for invading Texas. She has issued decrees and proclamations, preparatory to the commencement of hostilities, full of threats, revolting to humanity, and which, if carried into effect, would arouse the attention of all Christendom. This new demonstration of feeling, there is too much reason to believe, has been produced in consequence of the negotiation of the late treaty of annexation with Texas. The Executive, therefore, could not be indifferent to such proceedings; and it felt it to be due, as well to itself as to the honor of the country, that a strong representation should be made to the Mexican government upon the subject. This was accordingly done, as will be seen by the copy of the accompanying despatch from the Secretary of State to the United States envoy at Mexico. Mexico has no right to jeopard the peace of the world, by urging any longer a useless and fruitless contest. Such a condition of things would not be tolerated on the European continent. Why should it be on this? A war of desolation, such as is now threatened by Mexico, cannot be waged without involving our peace and tranquillity. It is idle to believe that such a war could be looked upon with indifference by our own citizens inhabiting adjoining States; and our neutrality would be violated, in despite of all efforts on the part of the government to prevent it. The country is settled by emigrants from the United States, under invitations held out to them by Spain and Mexico. Those emigrants have left behind them friends and relatives, who would not fail to sympathise with them in their difficulties, and who would be led by those sympathies to participate in their struggles, however energetic the action of the government to prevent it. Nor would the numerous and formidable bands of Indians-the most warlike to be found in any land-which occupy the extensive regions contiguous to the States of Arkansas and Missouri, aud who are in possession of large tracts of country within the limits of Texas, be likely to remain passive. The inclination of those numerous tribes leads them invariably to war whenever pretexts exist.

Mexico had no just ground of displeasure against this government or people for negotiating the treaty. What interest of hers was affected by the treaty? She was despoiled of nothing, since Texas was forever lost to her. The independence of Texas was recognised by several of the leading powers of the earth. She was free to treat; free to adopt her own line of policy; free to take the course which she believed was best calculated to secure her happiness. Her government and people decided on